Horace the Epistles Free ebook download


9 months ago
Full text
(1)I 1137 (') 1 ot"'" ...... Z ~ :> (') t"'" tIl 0 1 tJ l I ~ o:::0 > () tn IN ST RV ME NT VM 3 LIT TE RA RVM ~ : tn l ~ i H two books of Epistles, compo sed betwe en 23 and c. 13 orace's S.c., are the produ ct of the poet's most matur e art. In these poems "e writes to a numbe r of friends, fellow writer s and acquaintances, h -anging from the Empe ror Augus tus to his own bailiff. Thoug tion :hey vary in length and tone, the poems form a cohere nt collec i)ecause all deal in some way with ethica l proble ms. Colin Macle od's to ll1tt roduct ions and notes explain the impor tance of philos ophy r neithe Horace and his contem porari es, and show that the poems are lrivial exercises nor solem n tracts. Horac e comes across as a humor stua r, thinke is also a DUS, sceptical and sympa thetic writer who . ". aright "live to J ent of the way es more detailinclud also e volum this t11 addition to the translation, :.d .comm entarie s on four of the poems . and Balliol College, ' olin Macleod was born in 1943 and educated at Rugby School Literatu re at Christ l Classica in Tutor was he 1981 in death his until Oxford. From 1968 was remarka ble in ions publicat and Church, Oxford. His influence through his teaching ess with which he seriousn and ty sensitivi the on all above 3 scholar of his youth: it rested still learn from could readers qpproac hed literature, and on his convicti on that modern ng and translati In past. the of s teaching s religiou and a.nd be inspired by the moral ce the poet's stylistic ! omment ing on Horace, .his concern was not simply to reprodu Virtuosi ty, but to convey somethi ng of his wisdom and humanit y. ~ CO LI l'J MA CL EO D HO RACE TH E EP IST LE S TR AN SL AT ED IN TO EN GL IS H VE RS E W IT H BR IE F CO MM EN T IN ST RV ME NT VM 3 LI TT ER ARVM (/) ~ r ' ?:~.2"' ... -. - i'. . ,./;,.;.. P.' , . ,I ~ ../ ~., . #":.• '""- . .1.',~., , ' ,,,-': . '':(''. "'\." .,,, ~ - '--,I'" l tIJ . .• /,~ ~ . , . .,~ ~ ·~.' .... .' .- ,~ ',"".1 '·.· ... ~ ....}O.:\\· ,'. '" ',~ .';·. . ·~i, ·!~,t ..J..\ .' .... . (/) , I I ~ CLASS P I~ 5396 C 1-123 1986 ED IZ IO NI . -JL' A TE NE O SPA V

(2) COLIN MACLEOD //t;;.rCl ('c /HORACE/ THE EPISTLES/ Translated into English Verse with Brief Comment V EDIZIONI DELL'ATENEO

(3) C/dJJ fJJI 1936 © Copyright by Edizioni delf' A teneo , s.p.a. Casella Postale 7 216, 0 0 100 Roma ·' ~ t,(· tJ9t . TABLE OF CONTENTS .Ct. )7;)73 FOREWORD by R. G . M. Nisbet. . . . PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . TEXTUAL NOTE. INTRODUCTION . BOOK ONE . EPISTLE 1 . NOTES. EPISTLE 2 . NOTES . EPISTLE 3 . NOTES. EPISTLE 4 . NOTES. EPISTLE 5 . NOTES . EPISTLE 6 . NOTES. EPISTLE 7 . NOTES. EPISTLE 8 . EPISTLE 9. EPISTLE 10 NOTES . . . . . . . EPISTLE 11 . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . EPISTLE 12 . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . EPISTLE 13 . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . EPISTLE 14 .. .. . . NOTES . . . . . . . . EPISTLE 15 . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . . EPISTLE 16 . . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . . EPISTLE 17 . . . . . . . NOTES . . . . . . . . !jet" Editorial Note: after the work of translating, which Professor R. G. M . Nisbet's foreword describes, Colin Macleod embarked in the summer of 1981 on a commentary on the Epistles. His draft notes on four poems from the first book, although unrevised, contain much to supplement the translation, and it has seemed appropriate to publish them here as the final "Remarks and Notes." The text was transcribed intO electronic memory under a grant from the Program in Classical Studies of the Graduate School, The City University of New York , with aid and comfort from the Program in Comparative Literature and the Computer Centers of the Graduate School and Brooklyn College. Transmitted electronically through the BITNET, the text was skillfully readied for printing by Richard A. Damon III, using facilities made available by the Department of Classics and the Computer Center of Brown University. Gold stater of T. Quinctius Flamininus by courtesy of the British Museum ~Ieq\ •. _ . - 1\ ,1\ :--11 C", VII X 1l1 Xll 1 . xv . 1 .3 .6 .8 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 19 20 23 24 26 27 29 30 31 32 33 35 36 37 39 40 42 43 45 47 49

(4) VI VII Table of Conten ts EPISTLE 18 . . . . NOTE S . EPISTLE 19 NOTE S . EPISTLE 20 NOTE S. BOOK TWO EPISTLE 1 . NOTE S. EPISTLE 2 . . ... . ..... . NOTE S. REMARKS AND NOTE S ON EPISTLES i. l, 3, 9, and 14 .. . . . . . . . . . . . . REMARKS ON EPISTLE l. 1. . . NOTE S . . . . . . . . . . REMARKS ON EPISTLE l. 3 . NOTE S . . . . . . . REMARKS ON EPISTLE l.9 . NOTE S . . . . . . . . . . REMARKS ON EPISTLE l. 14 NOTE S . . . . . . . . . . 50 53 54 56 57 58 59 61 70 74 81 83 85 86 98 99 105 105 108 109 FORE WORD Colin Macleod died in Decem ber 1981 at the age of 38. He was a Studen t of Christ Churc h, Oxford (what is called a fellow in other colleges), and a Univer sity Lectur er in Greek and Latin literatu re . He had already establi shed himsel f as a classical scholar of uncom mon subtle ty and range . But though his sensiti vity enable d him to help others, he could not save himself, and in a depression he ended his life. He is remem bered by friends in several countr ies with pleasure and gratitu de. Macleod was the favourite pupil of Eduard Fraenkel's old age: the one needed a discipl e, the other an intelle ctual father-fi gure . In some ways they were very different: Fraenkel had his feet firmly plante d in the world, and he was puzzle d by his reticen t compa nion's leanings towards philoso phy and even religio n. But they shared a love of Italy, which they both found less artificial than Oxford ; here they travelled togeth er, and here Colin met his wife Barbara. Both men were exceptional in the breadt h of their schola rship, though their spheres of interes t did not entirel y coincide; while Fraenkel includ ed vases and Roman law, Macleod 's wide readin g in Greek prose gave his work on poetry a distinc tive dimen sion. Above all they both strong ly believed that ancien t literatu re is about life acaand love and sufferi ng, and not simply a game for cle~r demics . Their attitud e was more unusua l twenty years ago than it is today. Macleod 's breadt h and depth appear conspicuously in his posthu mous Collected Essays (Oxford, 198 3). Here he writes on Greek and Latin, poetry and prose, rangin g from Sappho and the Eumenides (a paper highly regard ed by good judges) to Grego ry of N yssa's Life of Moses. He was not the type of scholar who cracks puzzles and pulls rabbits Out of hats , and he had no special skill in the packag ing of his goods; but nobody can forget his demon stratio n that Catullu s 50 parodies the langua ge of love while talking about poetry , and that · 116, the last poem in the collect ion, reverses the motifs of a dedica tion (which sugges ts that Catull us himsel f arrang ed at least this part of the book). Macleod may someti mes seem over-s ubtle and over-c ompre ssed, but for him scholarship was a quest rather than a discovery, and even when he fails to convince, he advances the discussion . And someti mes he does

(5) Foreword Foreword much more; the six papers on passages in Thucydides draw illumination from rhetoric, tragedy, a close analysis of the structure, and a persistent awareness of the moral issues. In rebutting the strictures of Dionysius, he gives an exemplary exposition of his author's style, which as always with great writers he saw as an integral part of the meaning : he memorably quotes what a contemporary said of Michelangelo: 'he says things and you say words'. Macleod also left behind him a commentary on the last book of Homer's Iliad (Cambridge, 1982). This is a little masterpiece , which will be widely read , and not JUSt for its clear and su<::cinct explanation of the details. Here Homer is restored to his pre-eminence as a poet and a moralist (to use the word in its widest sense) , with human characters and a consistent theme. Together with Jasper Griffin's Homer on Life and Death, the commentary has already had an effect in subverting over-mechanical interpretations. progress up to a point, if no farther '); it encourages men to understand themselves and others, and to handle everyday relationships with tolerance, tact, and humour. The emphasis on 'saying the right thing' we also meet in Macleod's criticism of Homer, where he regards such insight as a mark of civilisation. The Epistles will disconcert modern readers if they start with the preconceptions of their own generation: not only will the morality be thought trivial and worldly, but the tone of voice may seem by turns ingratiating and patronising . It takes imagination to reconstruCt a social system where genuine friends might be superiors or inferiors, and what is stranger to us, are candidly acknowledged as such. Decorum required that one should know one's place in the world, and that of others; it was a matter not just of rhetorical theory but of epistolary good manners to relate both content and tone to the expectations of the recipient . Macleod approached such things as a student of ethics rather than a prosopographer, but the personalities of Horace's friends emerge sufficiently: the youthful Lollius 0.2) can be given tactful advice about conduct; the patrician Torquatus (1. 5) is teased with humorous admiration; Vinnius (1. 13) has a lowlier status, so genial condescension is in order. A patron is a special SOrt of superior friend, whose benefactions must be acknowledged without a loss of self-respect: Macleod shows particular appreciation of Horace's delicate managtment of Maecenas 0.7). The panegyric to AugustuSeat the beginning of 2. 1 now tends to be thought insincere flattery: for Horace the well-adjusted man should handle kings with JUSt the right deference, and those who act otherwise simply display their own insincerity. The Epistles have long presented a challenge to the translator: But ask not, to what DoCtors I apply? Sworn to no Master, of no Sect am 1: As drives the storm, at any door I knock: And house with Montagne now, and now with Locke. \Ill! Macleod completed his translation of Horace's Epistles in the summer of 1976, though he later made considerable revisions . It was common at that time to look at the work as an experiment in literary form, a typically ingenious attempt to transfer to verse the manner of a Roman gentleman's letters to friends, or of Greek hortatOry epistles to a public audience. But JUSt as in the case of Homer, Macleod followed earlier generations in recognising a deeper element, which is well expounded in his 'Poetry of Ethics: Horace, Epistles 1', by far the most significant of his eight contributions to the study of this poet (jRS 69 , 1979, 16 ff. = Collected Essays 280 ff.). Here he underlines how ancient moral philosophy was concerned not just with the analysis of concepts but with actually 'living aright'. He frankly recognises its largely self-centred nature and the comparatively small part it assigns to altruism. In a particularly illuminating passage he explains that the boundary between ethics and etiquette might be less clear-cut than the modern world expects: here Horace follows Cicero's De Officiis, which had been written only twenty years before, when the poet was a young man of twenty and a student of philosophy. His code is less concerned with large questions of principle that with luck may seldom arise than with limited and to some extent achievable aims O. 1. 33 'you can make IX Pope's imitation of 1. 1 is suitably distinguished, but his pointed antitheses do not bring out the variety and informality of the original (,deliberately underplaying its strength ', as Horace says of his satires in general). Strident modernity

(6) x Foreword would be even more objectionable: in the Epistles Horace captured the urbanity of his new-found social milieu , with its discreetly raised eyebrows and self-deprecating irony, and that is a difficult quality to imitate in twentieth century verse (wi thout Eliot it would have been even harder). But there is also nowadays a new awareness that the epistles are poems, whose inventive imagery goes far beyond the conventions of prose letters, or even the livel y parables of Greek popular philosophy; in the opening lines of the book Horace compares himself in turn to a retired gladiator, a man with wax in his ears, a worn-out horse, and a wayfarer caught in a stOrm (see David West, Reading Horace, 1967, 22 ff.) . There are puns on proper names , much other word-play, and metaphors that are less dead than they look; these effects are difficult to reproduce, even when noticed, but Macleod had an eye for such things, and is less ready than most translators to normalise and misrepresent. Yet he would have been the first to recog nise that in translation, as in scholarship and 'living aright', nothing is definitive; if students looked for possible improvements, that would be a more instructive exercise than most things they are invited to do. All who care for Latin poetry are indebted to Professor John Van Sickle for making available these thought-provoking experiments. Corpus Christi College R. G. M. Nisbet Oxford To tEDUARD FRAENKEL FRANCIS CAIRNS CARL SCHMIDT

(7) Preface Xlll PREFACE It is a pleasure to acknowledge something of what this book owes to others. Robin Nisbet and Hugh Lloyd-Jones read a draft of the whole and saved me from many errors. My debt to Professor Nisbet goe·s further still . He put at my disposal his own renderings of almost all the Epistles, from which I have helped myself liberally, and he pointed me firmly and continually towards a translation drawn from a lively understanding , not a mechanical mastication, of the original. However this attempt be rated, iT is far better than it would have been without his help, so unstintingly given. Susan Harrold typed the manuscript (much of it twice) and also found time to make both shrewd and encouraging comments. I have learned much from conversation and correspondence with Edward Burn: and in the final stages I have had helpful criticisms from Nigel Wilson and A.G. Lee. The dedication records my debt to the three friends to whom lowe most of what I understand about poetry, ancient and modern. I must also record gratitude to Horace himself. His subtlety and wisdom gave me constant warmth and illumination as a reader, even while they baffled me as a translator. If this book conveys anything of these qualities to others, I am content . TEXTUAL NOTE I have deleted three lines as interpolated (hence gaps in the numeration): 1. 1. 56, with Guyet; l. 18.91-2 (bibztli . .. oderzmt), with Meineke; 2.2.101, with Schuetz. Christ Church, Oxford C. W. M . September 1978

(8) Introduction xv INTRODUCTION In 23 B.C. Horace's first three books of Odes appeared. In the years which followed, up to the completion of Epistles I, his work tOok a new turn, and the ethical themes which had had some place in his lyric verse became his entire concern. Epistles 2. 1, though probably not 2 . 2, belongs to the period after 17 B. C. when Horace had taken up lyric again; but it still regards literature with the moralist's detachment. This changt of direction is announced in Epistles 1. 1 as a total renunciation of poetry . Of course, the Epistles themselves are poetry, and poetry of a high finish; but this declaration is not an absurd irony. What it expresses, as the context makes clear, is that poetry by comparison with philosophy is a iudus - a 'game', or worse, a gladiatorial 'show' or 'school': now Horace wants to learn goodness and wisdom. Thus he refers to the Epistles as mere 'caliJeries' (sermones: 1.4 .1; 2.1.4, 250) and regards himself as Out of action for poetry (2.2.49 ff; An Poetica 304 fO. The ambiguity of this position has a distinguished precedent in Plato , who in the Phaedrus condemns writing and prefers the informal and questioning method of conversation: the purpose of writing dialogues, then, is above all to represent such a method . So tOO Horace 's Epistles , no less informal and questioning, ask not to be considered as poetry, if poetry is to be a diversion from more serious matters, and represent their author as a seeker, often a failed or fumbling seeker, after wisdom . As still a working poet, he is not a philosopher; yet his work is dedicated to philosophy: he 'lays down ' (pono) verse, but he is 'putting down' (condo et campana) in verse guidance for living 0.1. 10-12). It goes with this that the language of the Epistles is basically a form, thoug h a subtly stylized and highly pregnant form, of everyday speech; and a grander tOne, though always available, is sparingly used . This is also part of what is implied by the term senna. Needless to say, Horace's art is as fine here as it ever was. His mastery of varying stylistic levels is one example of this ; so also the carefully designed meanderings of his argument, which regularly omits connectives and defies any division into paragraphs, or his use of puns and metaphors which often form a paradox so as to point up an error or an ideal. But this artistry is properly unobtrusive; it

(9) Introduction Introduction challenges the reader's thoughtfulness withour advertising the writer's virtuosity. Thus it helps to effect the moral purpose of the poems. And in fact Horace is much less concerned than in the Satires - also sermones - to say that his genre is not a lofty one: in the Epistles such a remark occurs only in 2.1 (250 ff.) where he has to some degree made his peace with poetry again. Elsewhere, the distinguishing feature of the Epistles is their ethical concern. This emerges in l. 20 no less than in 1. l. The fiction of the "escaping book" in that piece occurs also in Arrian's preface to his Discourses of Epictetus (no tes from the words of the great StOic philosopher); bur where Arrian uses it to explain the un-literary style of his work, Horace uses it to make an oblique critism of the au thor's ambition and vanity. The background to Horace's choice of the letter-form is complex; but since it sheds a little light on these unique poems, it may be briefly considered. Two main strands of tradition converge in the Epistles. On the one hand, the letter is a characteristic form for personal poetry on a small scale. Catullus 35 or Propertius 1. 7 (which opens wi th the same formula as Epistles 1. 2 : "While you ... , 1... ") announce themselves clearly as letters; many other ancienr poems could be taken to be letters, simply because private in character and addressed to individuals, outside any particular setting. So for Lucilius, Horace's predecessor in satire, the letter is an offhand example of poetry on a small scale (341); and his own book V contains such a poem. On the other hand, the letter in prose is a medium for popularizing philosophy or simply g iving advice. Thus of Epicutus' surviving letters, the first twO are brief expositions of aspec ts of his teaching and the last an exhortati on to undertake philosophy; and in others (of which only fragments remain) he counselled friends in a more personal fashion. So roo the educator Isocrates writes to Nicocles with advice on how to live and rule, a form (the spewlztm principis) destined to have a long history and copied in anriquity by the pseudo-Isocrates in To Demoniws. It should be added that even private letters in real life could be highly deliberate and self-conscious: Demetrius in his treatise On Style (223 -35) discusses their style and putpose; Cicero in his correspondence often debates overtly what 'type' (geml.!) of letter he is to wrlte (e .g. Ad Familiares 2.4.1; 4.1 3: 1; 6.10.4), and many ot hiS letters are highly -worked pieces of prose . As in the eighteenth century , then , the letter was a na turall y artistic form . Bur the Epistles are also a natural g rowth in Horace's own work . The Odes had done much to give philosophical themes a place in Latin lyric poetry: 2.3 or 3.29, for example, which take the common lyric form of an invitation to drink , are also far from superficial meditations on Epicurean themes. In the Satires Horace , in a plainer and blunter manner , uses philosophy to criticize his own and other men 's follies ; and the Epistles share with the Scttires not only a low style overall, but also particular features of that g enre : the telling of fables and an ecdotes ro point a moral, and the use of dialogue , where the imaginary interlocutor tends to represent the unregenerate human being. In fact, it is not easy to define neatly the difference between th e Satires and Epistles, if we leave aside the consistent use of the letter-form in the later book and its absence from the earlier one . It is, indeed, a matter of deg ree . The Epistles concentrate entirely on ethical themes, abandoning reminiscence, scandal or obscenity; and there is no claim to attack individuals there. Nor do they ever use, like Satire.! 2 . 2, 3 or 7 , other characters than the poet himself as an ironic mouthpiece for moral teaching. Again the declaration of Epistle 1. 1 turns out to be true: their . character as personal ethics is the distinguishing mark of these poems . What, then, was the place of ethics in Horace's world , and what did it mean to him? Although in his time it was a subject for philosophical schools, it was by no means confined to their walls. Philosophers were heard with familiarity and respect at widely differing levels of society. Some Hellenistic kings, and later some highly-placed Romans , kept philosophers in their houses as advisers or tutOrs. At the other end of the scale, philosophy was diffused by itinerant preachers : Diogenes the Cynic, like the Cynics in general, was a genuinely popular figure. Horace himself, a person of humble origins, went to study philosophy in Athens as a young man, as we learn from Epistles 2.2.43-5. As that passage makes clear, these studies were meant to impart truth and goodness, to offer an aspiration and a guide for everyone . And that moral philosophy was part of an educated man's daily life and thinking emerges from the correspondence of Cicero (a less X V] XVII

(10) XVlll In trod union subtle and thoughtful person than Horace): not only because medication and writing on ethics was a com fore ro him when he was unable ro take pare in politics, but also because the teachings of philosophers could serve, say, ro calm a friend's and his own wounded pride, or to help face a bereavement (Ad Faill. 3.7.5 ; 4. 5; 5. 13 . 1) . Accordingly, philosophers were concerned not least with questions posed by the society they and their public moved in. The Epistles are as good an illustration as any of this. How a dependant should behave with his patron (1.7, 17, 18) , how ro take worldly success (l.8, 16), how ro use infl uence (l .9) or leisure (1.4), even how ro drink 0.5) - all these matters fall within the scope of ethics. So roo the pranice of poetry. In the Epistles that deal with that ropic 0.3, 19; 2.1 -2) Horace channels, fruitfully and refreshingly, a tendency of ancient literary criticism, which both discusses the moral usefulness of poetry or worth of poetic inspiration , and characterizes writers and their style in moral terms . Of course, Greek ethics was not entirely homogenous, and Horace himself in Epistles 1. 1 indicates that he is continually moving from one school of thought ro another. Some of their differences are briefly indicated in the introductions and notes to individual poems; and the reader can pursue them in translations and in helpful modern studies. * But far more important here is what they have in common, which derives in the main from the greatest of all ancient thinkers, Socrates and Plato . Ethics is the art of living - living in the world with *For the Sroics, see above all Epinetus and Marcus Aurelius; for the Epicureans, see C. Bailey, Epimrtts (1926), Diogenes Laertius X and Lucretius. Cicero's philosophical works give a conspectus of current teachings. Modern studies: e.g. A.A. Long, Hellenistic Philosophy (1974); F.J. Sandbach, The Stoics (1975); J.M. Rist, Epiamts (1972); A. -J. Festugiere, Epicurus and his Gods (Eng. tr. 1955). A.D. Nock, Conversion (1928: reprinted paperback 1961) ch. 11, is a masterly acCount of the spiritual significance of philosophy in antiquity . Introduction XIX oneself, with others and with circumstances, and an art , because it requires an understanding, won through continuous experience and dedication, of those things. And they are closely linked. A Stoic sees the world as permeated by a spirit which is God and reason at once; for him, understanding is ro take his place in this rational universe, whatever sufferings and humiliations t hat may entail, and ro sever those purely individual passions which tear him apart from it. It follows that he is committed to social and family life; for those affections, like the elementary instinct of self-love they grow out of, are no less rational. For an Epicurean understanding is to accept that the gods have no influence on the world and t hat death is final and inevitable; when false terrors are banished, and when he has learned to cultivate natural pleasures and friendships, he can gain a happy and unshakeable detachment. Horace, like Socrates , is not concerned with the more technicalor scientific aspen of these or any other philosophies; but his ethics no less embraces all his experience, activities and relationships . A modern reader might wish ro criticize ancient ethics as self-centered. A Christian could say that it lacks a sense of sin and of the need for divine grace; and Horace has no ideal of surrender ro ·g od through faith and love, though that could not be said of all the thinkers of his time (e.g. contrast Epistles l. 18 . III ff. with Epictetus l. 16. 15 -21). A Marxist could say that in the philosophies of Horace's time, ro achieve the good does not entail reshaping society, and that their ethics is qui te unconcerned with social justice and equality : it is not enough that Horace (see Epistles l. 14 or Satires 2.7) can see himself as no better, or even worse , than his slaves and treat wi t h severity the practices and values of Roman upper- class life (see Epistles l. 16- 18). Neither critic would be wrong. Ancient ethics is dominated by the ques tion which inspires Plaro's Republic or Gorgias: how can one live best? But this is a question which, if we accept that all men c,a nnot but be individuals, and cannot but seek a place in the world as they find it at any moment, is unavoidable. And Horace, again like Socrates, truly responds ro the Delphic command "Know yourself." His insight, unsparingly critical, keenly humorous, warmly understanding, into his own failings and needs extends naturally ro others and ro the society in which he moved; and it gives

(11) xx Introduction him the right to be read with attention as a moralist and psychologist no less than as a poet: Listen to your old friend, who is still a learner, as if a blind man were showing you the way; but see if some of even my thoughts might be worth your taking over. EPISTLES BOOK ONE

(12) xx Introduction him the right to be read with attention as a moralist and psychologist no less than as a poet: Listen to your old friend, who is still a learner, as if a blind man were showing you the way; but see if some of even my thoughts might be worth your taking over. EPISTLES BOOK ONE

(13) Epistles 1. 1 3 EPISTLE 1 Horace's first letter is addressed to his patron. He begins by refusing Maecenas ' request that he take up poetry again. Such refusals are common in the Augus tan poets, who in this way often contrive to praise public figures or discuss political questions while maintaining the attitude of an uncommitted artist. But Horace is committed, and not like a practitioner of lyric or pastoral or elegiac to lighter themes, but to wisdom. The poem thus develops into a protreptic (exhortation to philosophy), which is unusual, and saved from the tone of a sermon, by being directed at the poet himself. It thus also states a programme for the whole book. Horace is concerned "to ask what is right and fitting": that explains the ethical character of the Epistles. Horace is still in search of wisdom, trying out one philosophy after another: that explains his restless diversity of views and his frequent back-sliding in the rest of the volume. The imagery of lines 13 -22, moreover, stresses that the writer's philosophic aspirations and experiments are those of a confused, indecisive and impatient human being . ' The poem's themes are typical of the protreptic. Philosophy is good for all ages and conditions of men, so that to delay taking it up - as Horace is doing in spite of himself - is folly (cf. Epicurus, Lettel" to Menoecef.tS 122); it is worth making a little progress even if we shall never reach the goal (cf. Epictetus l. 2.37); the efforts which go towards inferior ends should be spent on the search for wisdom, which is far less burdensome (cf. Aristotle in Iamblichus, ProMptriws 6); to see our own weakness, or the discrepancies between men at large and within ourselves, is the beginning of philosophy (cf. Epictetus 2.l.1, 13; 2.17.1, 14). Horace concludes by putting this last point so as to touch not only himself bur his addressee: Maecenas, whose own weakness is vanity, fails to see the real discrepancies in Horace. But the poet qualifies any excess or harshness there might be in his new attitude: partly by what he · also began with, a warm profession of his grateful dependence on Maecenas, partly by recalling that even the perfect sage is human . Horace's 'sickness' or 'madness ' is something he shares, and always will, with other men. If he is still a beginner (lines 20-27), so are we all; and philosophy is a help, not a panacea (lines 33-37).

(14) 4 EpistleJ 1. 1 Epistles 1. 1 EPISTLE 1 10 20 30 40 My Muse's first and final theme, Maecenas, I've been on show enough, obtained my discharge, yet you try to squeeze me back into those old games. I' m not th e same age or th e same man . The fighter has hung up his arms and is lying low in the country: no more beggi ng the public for his life. A voice keeps ringing now in m y uncl ogged ears ; "Be sensible: quick , loose the ageing horse , or they' ll laug h when his flanks heave and he falls at the finish . " So now I lay down verse and all those games ; m y whole concern is to ask what is rig ht and fi tting . I am putting down what I can bring Out later. And to save yo u asking in whose camp I lodge, I'm not bound to swear allegiance to a trainer; wherever th e stOrm drives me I stOp for a while. I actively dtOwn in th e surge of public life , true vi rtue's keeper and unbending lackey , and then slide back into Aristippus ' teachings, and try to rid e, not be ridden by my fortunes. As a ni g ht seems long to a lover tricked by his mistress, a day to a hired labourer , or a year sluggish to boys oppressed by their mothers ' love, so slow and tiresome to me is the tim e that shelves my hopes and plans of doing whole-heartedly the thing which is good for rich and poor alike and bad for both old and young to disregard. I get by, till th en , with these elementary maxims. If your sight was no match for Lynceus ', that would never make yo u refuse an ointment for sore eyes; or if you despaired of a champion's phys ique , you wo uld not let arthritis g narl yo ur fingers. You can make prog ress up to a point , if no further. Does your heart burn with g reed or ache with lust! There are saws and spells which can relieve yo ur passion and rid yo u of the worst of your disease. Are yo u swollen with ambition ? There are remedies: cull thri ce, with a clean mind , the words of wisdom. Envy, bad temper, idleness, drink, promiscuity no-one's vice is tOO savage to become tamer , if he only lends a patient ear to instruction. 50 60 70 80 5 Goodness begi ns with shunning evil, wisdom with dropping fo lly. To avo id what yo u think worst, tOO small an income or failure at the eleCtions, yo u're ready to risk your peace of mind , yo ur life : yo u sc urry across the wo rld in search of imports , fl ee poverty through sea and rocks and Barnes; to free yourself of your foolish asp irations , why not listen and learn and tnist yo ur betters I What boxer that goes the rounds of small-tOwn contes ts would spurn an Olympic crown, if he had hopes and promi ses of winning it painlessly! Silver's worth less than gold , and gold than goodness. "Romans , co untrym en, look for money fi rst , and after cash , goodness" - thus di ctates the templ e of the exchange, and yo ung and old repeat it. You've charaCter , yo u can speak, and with authority, but you r wealth is JUSt tOo small to raise your status: yo u're in the ruck . And ye t , "Do the right thing," say boys at play, "and yo u shall be king, ": our stronghold's a co nscience with no g uilt to turn us pale. Which is better, Roscius ' bill or the nursery rhyme that g ives kings hip to the people who do rig ht , that the heroes of old Rome kep t reciting! Whom should you listen to, one who says, "Get ri ch, hones tly if yo u can, if not, JUSt rich ," to give you a close-up seat at weepy p lays, or one who stands by yo u and enables yo u to res ist th e pride of Fortune head unbowed) But if th e Roman people as ked me why I walk where they do, but do not think like them , and do not share th eir tas tes or their ave rsi ons , I should reply like the canny fox in the fable to th e sick lion: "Those foot-prints frighten me; all of them point towards yo u , and none back ." You beast with many heads, which should I follow ) Some hanker after public contraCts ; others go hunting wealth y widows with cakes and fruit or try to trap old men for th ei r reserves ; many tend th e dark grow th of interes t. But still , g ranted th at eve ryo ne's aims and business di ffe r: can anyo ne man accep t one thing for long l

(15) 6 90 100 Epistles 1. 1 "There's not a beach in the world to outshine Baiae," says the rich man, and its waters feel the lust of the impatient magnate; but if some morbid whim has lent its sanction, it's "Off with yOut tools tomorrow " If he owns a double bed, . to Teanum , workmen~ nothing, he claims, can beat the single life; if not, he swears you're only happy married. However can I pinion such a Proteus? Whatalaugh! He changes garrets, beds, And the poor ma~? baths , barbers; he's sick in his hired boat as the rich man who has bought the yacht that sails him. If I meet you, and my hair-cut is uneven, you laugh; if I have a threadbare shirt on under a thick coat , or my toga is askew, you laugh; but if my mind 's at odds with itself, rejects what it wanted, wants what it juSt gave up, fluctuates, clashes with my whole way of life, pulls down, constructs, replaces square with round? I have the normal madness; you neither laugh nor think I need a doctor or a guardian from the court, although it's you who uphold my fortunes and grumble if you notice an ill-cut nail in the friend who looks to you, depends on you. In short, the wise man's next to god : rich, free , honoured, handsome, a king of kings, and sound in mind and body - unless his nose is streaming. NOTES 6. A defeated gladiator could be killed by his opponent or spared at the public's whim. 14. Gladiators swore an oath to their trainers which virtually enslaved them to him. 16-19. Lines 16-17 allude to the Stoics ' rigorous pursuit of virtue and their belief that the wise man should take a part in civic life. Aristippus was a pupil of Socrates: . anecdotes about him are recorded in Diogenes Laertius 2.65 -83 , and used by Horace in Epistles 1.17. Unlike the Stoics, he was a hedonist, an opportunist and an individualist: his behaviour is thus contrasted here Epistles 1. 1 7 with their ideal of submission to the rational proVIdence which ordains things as they are. 34-6. To compare philosophy with a magical cure is ironic, but also represents its power to change a man, through reason, ·at a deeper level than the merely rational. The metaphor comes from Plato (especially the Charmides). 48- 5 2. At smaller contests an athlete could earn prizes worth money; but the prize for the highest achievement, an Olympic victory, was only a laurel wreath. As boxers would prefer an Olympic crown, says Horace, although it brings no material gain, so men would prefer goodness - if they had confidence in their power to attain it. But in fact the rewards of philosophy are won with less pain and effort than those of commerce. 62. The lex Roscia (77 B.C.) reserved the first fourteen rows in the theatre for those who were worth 400,000 sesterces or more. 83 -87. Baiae was a fashionable resort in the bay of Naples; Teanum was inland in Campania. 106-8. The Stoics, to indicate the perfect unity and adequacy of virtue, said that the wise man possessed every skill and every gift of fortune.

(16) 8 Epistles 1. 2 Epistles 1. 2 EPISTLE 2 Like the previous poem, this is a protreptic, but a subtly contrasting one, because addressed to a young man. Lollius has been praCtising rhetoric as part of his education: Horace has been studying Homer for his ethical teaching. This reinforces the renunciation of poetry for philosophy in Epistle 1: for Homer is treated as simply the philosopher par excellence . At line 27 Horace rounds on himself and his addressee with criticism and exhortation: his forceful abruptness here is strikingly different from the quiet ruefulness of Epistle 1 (lines 20-6) in expressing a similar thought. The series of clipped maxims which follows is a typical feature of protreptics: compare Isocrates, To Nicocles , pseudo-Isocrates, To DemoniCtts or Iamblichus, ProtrepticttS 2 . But here this has a more distinctive purpose, to reinforce the sense of urgency which pervades the poem. The last words, however , as in Epistle 1, introduce a qualification: Horace is not dawdling on the search for goodness, but neither is he hurrying. The sharp and insistent tone was adopted for the age of his addressee; it is saved from being offensive by Horace's sobriety in the pursuit of virtue (cf Epistles 1. 6 . 15 ff.), and his consciousness of his own failings. 20 30 EPISTLE 2 10 Troy's poet, Lollius , while you declaim at Rome, has been my reading at Praeneste. He shows what's right or wrong, helps or harms, with more clarity and force than the philosophers. Let me explain why I think so, if you've time. The tale of how Paris's infatuation dashed Greece and Asia together in lingering confliCt contains both kings' and peoples' seething folly . Antenor proposes to sever the cause of the war. And Paris ? "I can't be forced, " he says, "to live and reign in peace. " Nestor tries busily to end the dispute of Peleus ' with Atreus' son. Lust burns in the one, and rage in bOth. ' When kings rave , the people take the rap . Sedi tion, trickery , crime, desire, anger, lead men astray both in and outside Troy . 40 9 By contrast, the value of true manhood and of wisdom is helpfully embodied in his Ulysses, who put down Troy, who saw into cities and the ways of the world, who suffered over the ocean to bring himself and his men safe home again , but never drowned in the hostile surge of troubles. You recall the Sirens' song and the cup of Circe: if, like his men, he had drunk it Out of greed and folly , he'd have been unmanned by a mistress, lived like a filthy dog or a pig in its muck . We are statistics, "consumers of the field, " playboys like the suitors of Penelope or A1cinous' young men, toO busy softening their skins, proud to sleep till noon, and then induce the slumbers they delayed with the strumming lyre. Robbers, to cut throats, rise before daybreak : will you not wake to save yourself? And yet if you will not run when sound, you will with dropsy ; if you do not ask for a book and lamp by dawn, if you do not turn your thoughts to the search for goodness , you'll toSS and turn on the rack of lust and envy. You waste no time in taking a speck from your eye, but put off for a year treating what eats your heart. To begin is half the battle. Dare be wise now. To postpone the moment for ri g ht living is to wait like an oaf for the river to pass, when It flows down, flows on , keeps rolling for all tim e. People seek money and a wealthy wife to bear their sons, tame forests with the ploug h: if fortune has given enough you should want no m ore. It 's nOt his house o( land, his heaps of cash and bullion that deduct the fever from the sick owner's body or the worries from his heart ; he must have health if he's minded to use well what he amassed . Where greed or fear is, possessions are as good as paintings to the bleary-eyed, wraps to the gOut y, music to ears that ache wi th gathered filth. If the jar's not clean, whatever you put in it sours . Spurn self-indulgence: pain, its price , does harm . The miser's always in need: limit your wishes . Envy grows thin at other men's fat profits :

(17) 10 50 60 Epistles 1. 2 the cruellest tyrant could not invent a torture worse than envy. One who does not control his anger will wish undone what his hurt feelings led to with his eagerness to strike and avenge his hatred. Anger's a flash of madness; govern your temper: it either obeys or rules; check it wi th curb and leash. The trainer moulds the foal's pliant neck into its rider's way: the puppy, once it barks at the deer-skin in the yard , sees service in the forest. Go drink in, while you are young and your mind unsullied, what better men can teach you. New pots will keep the smell they were first tinged with at length. Bur if you lag, or forge ahead I neither wait nor tread on another's heels. NOTES 1-31. The manner of reading Homer described here was widespread in antiquity . It is not as misguided as a modern reader might be tempted to think. Praeneste is modern Palestrina. 9-11. See Iliad 7.345-79. In Iliad 6.142 "men who eat the fruit of the field " are 27. contrasted with the "blessed gods. " The luxurious life of Alcinous , king of the Phaeacians, 28. and his subjects is described in Odyssey VI-VIII . Epistles 1. 3 11 EPISTLE 3 The letter is addressed, like Epistles 2.2 , to J uli us Florus who was on campaign with rhe young Tiberius. Horace 's first theme is the poetic ambitions of Florus and his companions, which he begins by describing in language appropriate to soldiers constructing aqueducts, and their moral consequences . Titius represents a perhaps excessive boldness: he drinks from the pure Pindaric spring though in order to channel it down into a public watercourse; and if tragedy is his genre, then he risks being infected with the "ranting" of the tragic actor. Celsus, by contrast, goes in for plagiarism, what the Greeks and Romans called "theft"; and the ethical implications of this metaphor are brought out by the legal language of embezzlement and temple-robbery, as by the moral implicit in Aesop's fable of the crow. At first Florus, a promising poet and lawyer, would seem to need no warnings; but now Horace suggests that even if the art of poetry is subject to ethical criticism of the kind he offered to Titius and Celsus , it is in the end , like the law, an idle medicine for our troubles and a distraction from philosophy, which is a "work" more important than either engineering or writing . So he concludes by encouraging Florus to take up a better therapy, to heal the wound in his friendship with Munatius, and by showing his own friendly concern for both of them. This is what Horace's "pains" and "concern" - his work, in other words - are really about. EPISTLE 3 10 In what region, Florus, - I'm at pains to know Is Tiberius , stepson to Augustus, camped ? Do Thrace and the Hebrus bound in wintry fetters , the Hellespont that runs between facing towers , or the wealth of Asia's plains and hills detain you? The staffs works are also my concern . Who is engaged on the tale of Caesar's deeds ? From whose pen will war and peace flow down throug h time ? What of Titius, soon to be on every lip, who has nOt blanched from draughts of Pind ar's spring, and boldly spurned the public water-courses )

(18) 12 20 30 Epistles 1.4 Epistles 1.3 Is he well? Does he think of me? Is he adapting, under the Muse's leadership, Theban strains to the Latin lyre, or ranting in tragic style? What ofCelsus? He's been warned and must still be warned to seek a private fortune, keep his hands off the tribute paid to Apollo's library, or else, when the flock of songsters comes to claim its feathers, he will be laughed at like the crow stripped of its stOlen colours. And your ambition? What flowers are you flitting round? Your talents are no small ones, and they have not run to seed: preparing to plead cases, to pronounce on points of law, or charming with your verses, you'll end up victOr, ivy-crowned. But if you could cast off those cold comforters, you'd march wherever heavenly wisdom were to lead you. That is the thing we must work at , great and small, if we want to earn our country 's love and ours. Write to say toO if your friendship for Munatius is all it should be: are the stitches in it now falling out, and the wound torn open again) Is hot blood or inexperience stirring up passions that will nOt be curbed? Wherever you are, you must not break your treaty of brotherly peace: a calfs at grass for when you both rerum . EPISTLE 4 The letter is addressed to the poet Albius Tibullus, whose twO books of love-elegies survive. Horace begins by calling him the "honest judge of my cattSeries" and punning significantly on his name, since a/bus and candidzls ("honest") both mean "white"; with the same friendly candour , a quality given particular value in Epicurean ethics, he now speaks to his friend . Tibullus may be either writing his verse or else pursuing virtue. But neither of these twO alternatives is quite adequate. What he should do "among hopes and cares, attacks of fear and anger" is rather use his undoubted qualities of mind to enjoy what he has (which is more than enough) and to live in the present. These precepts toO echo Epicurus; and finally, with sympathetic tact and a broad smile, Horace offers himself as an example of the Epicurean way, someone Tibullus can usefully laugh at and with, but also learn a little from. EPISTLE 4 NOTES 8- 13. The praises of Augusrus would be a narural subject to treat in the manner of Pindar the Theban (518-438 B.C.), since he was famous for his victory-poems written for winners at the games . Some of Horace's own odes are Pindaric (compare, above all, Odes 3 .4 with Pythian 1); but he sees the dangers, for the poet and the man, of imitating Pindar's grandeur, here and in Odes 4.2. 17 , Augustus founded a library in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine hill at Rome. Poetry-readings were also held there: cf. Epistles 2 . l.216 ff., 2 . 2.93 ff. 13 10 Albius, honest judge of my causeries, what, I wonder, are you up to on your estate? Improving upon Cassius' slim volumes, or strolling silently through healthy woods, intent on what a good and wise man is) You were never mindless flesh: God gave you looks, gave wealth and ability to use it. What more could a doting nurse wish for her charge if he can think and put across his thought, if friendships, honour and health are his in plenty, if his style of life is good and his purse sustains it? Amid hopes and cares, attacks of fear and anger, think of each dawn as lighting your last day: an hour nOt counted on will be a gift. Visit your plump, sleek, well-groomed friend, whenever you want a laugh, in his Epicurean sty .

(19) 14 3. Epistles 1.4 Epistles 1. 5 NOTES EPISTLE 5 Cassius of Parma was one of Caesar's murderers, like his more famous namesake. He presumably wrote elegies like Tibullus, but no t good ones. Horace seems to be gently and tactfully depreciating that activity by comparison with philosophy. 15 This letter invites to dinner Torquatus, member of a noble family and the recipient of Odes 4.7; it emerges from this poem that he is an important lawyer. Horace, as often when he invites public figures, contrasts his own simple existence and enjoyments with the busy and harassed life of his addres see. Such simplicity, like the cultivation of private attachments, is characteristic of the Epicurean. Moreover, ancient philosophers, including Plato himself (Laws 671 C ff), required or laid down rules for the conduct of parties: the right behavior for a host, the right use of money, the propriety of the self-abandonment that drink causes are all subjects which belong to ethics, and they all appear in Horace's poem (cf Plutarch, Moralia 613 B-C). But deliberately odd is the praise of drunkenness in lines 12-20 . Some philosophers, like Aristotle in his now lost Symposium, had claimed that the wise man should nOt be afraid to get drunk at times (cf Odes 3.21.4-20): but Horace, with a touch of self-mockery, actually celebrates the power of wine to lead men astray. "Unwisdom in its place is sweet" (Odes 4.12 . 28); but here, where the writer's "whole concern is to ask what is right and proper" (Epistles 1. 1. 1l)? With this goes another kind of impropriety: Horace issues commands like a general's to his noble guest, and like a consul's for the preparation and regulation of the dinner; and he concludes by telling Torquatus to commit a crime in the most ancient Roman code of law, cheating a dependant. The appearance is of one who confounds degree as cheerfully as he confutes sobriety. EPISTLE 5 10 If you can bear to lie on a plain couch and dine off vegetables from modest plates, I shall expect you, Torquatus, here at sundown . There 'll be wine racked in Taurus' second consulship between Minturnae's marshes and Petrinum. If you've better, send for it: if not, take orders. My hearth has long been bright, my silver polished. Leave those fluttering hopes and fights for wealth and that poisoning case; tomOrrow Caesar's birthday

(20) 16 20 30 Epistles 1. 5 affords us leave to sleep, so we can safely spin Out the summer night with friendly talk. What good to me is wealth, if I cannot use it? Thrift and austerity practised for an heir are next to madness. I'll drink deep, strew flowers, and even let it be thought I've lost my judgment. Drink gets up to anything - takes off lids, ratifies hopes, thrusts cowards into battle, unburdens weary hearts, teaches fresh skills. Whom have flowing cups not made fluent ? Whom have they not released from the pinch of need? My orders are - and I'm competent and willing that no threadbare coverlet, no dirty napkin crease up your nose; that no cup or plate be less than a mirror to you; that no friend publish abroad what's said; that all and each mix and match. Butra, Septicius and if he's no better engagement, or girl he prefers, Sabinus - are counted in. There's room for extras, though tight-packed dinners feel the smell of goat. Advise me on numbers; then leave by the back-door and let down the dependants in your hall . NOTES 4. 5-6. I.e. 28 B.C. An ancestOr of Horace's addressee won a famous victOry in 340 B . C. between Petrinum and Minturnae in southern Latium. The same Torquatus was even more famous for having executed his son for a breach, though a heroic one, of his consular orders in battle. Epistles 1.6 17 EPISTLE 6 Horace abruptly begins his letter to Numicius with a statement of principle: "to be impressed by nothing." This is a tenet of most philosophical schools at the time; what it means comes Out in what follows. As Epicurus held, a man should nOt let the majestic and orderly movements of the heavenly bodies terrify him into the superstition that there are gods who guide them. But there are still more deluded ways of being impressed: a desire for wealth or acclaim and the fear of their opposites. It is such self-deception, springing from a concern for mere appearances, which is Horace's main subject (words for looking recur thematically): but he is careful to indicate tOO that even goodness can become a delusion by being sought immoderately. The corrective is the thought of death, a brute reality that cancels all appearances and is common to all men. However, also common to all men is the desire to live well. This theme belongs to the philosophers' protreptics (see on Epistle 1; cf. PlatO, Euthydemm 278E); and Horace goes on, again in the protreptic manner, but with satirical elaboration , to . compare the quest for goodness with the quest for other goals . But goodness, strikingly , is not given his explicit preference. He concludes with a polite convention, the request to his addressee to say if he has any better advice; at the same time he indicates that he holds firmly to his own opening remarks: "better" here means only better than the possibilities mooted from line 30 on. Goodness is no doubt the thing to seek; but it is above all the state of mind in which we seek. EPISTLE 6 10 To be impressed by nothing: that , Numicius , is about the only thing that can make and keep us happy . There are some who can watch the sun or stars or seasons yield to each other in order and not be tOuched with fear. What , then, of the earth's showy treasures, or the sea's, those baubles that enrich the East, what of the people's gifts, applause and office? With what feelings or what face should we look at them ? And if you fear their opposites, you're impressed much as you are if you want those things. Both ways,

(21) 18 20 30 40 50 Epistles 1. 6 Epistles 1. 6 something strikes and flusters th e mind that sees it. H app y or sad, eager or anxious, what does it man er , if every pleasant or painful shock turns down yo ur eyes and numbs your mind and body? The wise will be called mad, the JUSt unjust , if they go toO far in seeking eve n good ness . All rig ht , gape at old marble, silver, bronzes, works of an , Tyrian dyes, jewellery ; take pleasure in a th ousand eyes' looking at you when yo u speak; bustle to wo rk in the m orning and hom e in the eve ning, or a rival may get bigger yields than you from his wife's es tate , and you look up to him (wi th a fam il y-tree like his! ), not he to yo u . Time, wh ich from earth brings everything into th e sunlight, buries what gliners. T houg h promenades and hig hways have seen and recognized you , you have still to go where kings and heroes went before . If so me disease assails yo ur chest or kidneys, look for a cure. Yo u want to li ve well - we all do: if that depends on good ness, go ahead, drop self-indulgence. Goodness for you's a nam e, and a g rove firewood: then make sure no-one beats you to the eas tern ports , for fear yo u lose th eir trad e. Make a round thousand talents , th en another, a third, and one more to make it a square number. Who g ives you a wife with a dowry , credit and friends, birth and looks ? Dame Lucre; and fat coffers ge t Victory and the Graces hovering round you . The Cappadocian king, with all those slaves, has no cash : don 't yo u be like him . Lucullus, asked to supply a hundred cloaks for the stage, replied: "So many ? Out of the question . But I'll see , and send yo u what I have." He wrote soon after: "I've five thousand; take as many as you like. " It 's a poor house which has not a large surplus for its unwitting owner, and for thieves. So if cash alone can m ake and keep us happy, be first to work for it, and last to leave work. If the real blessings are fame and popularity, let's buy a slave to whisper names to us , nudge us and make us stretch a hand across the street ; 60 19 "He's a big man in his co nstituency ; he can confer or, snatch away positions at a whim. And call him 'sir' or 'brother"'; smile and adopt each man as fits his age. If living well means dining well, the course is clear - let 's follow Our palates, fish or hunt like the m an who had his slaves with nets and spears ttoOp throug h the crowded fotum in the m orning, for a single mule, as the crowd looked on , to return with a boar from the shops . Let's go off to our baths puffed and belching, forget all standards, merit disfranchisement, as deaf as Ulysses' crew, who preferred forbidden pleasures to their homeland. If, as Mimnermus holds , without love and play there's no enjoyment , live for love and play. Bes t wishes. If you know of something better than those views, tell me so frankly; if not , hold mine with me . NOTES 39. 65 . The king of Cappadocia was squeezed dry by Roman extortion . As the "pauper king, " he became a by-word at Rome in Cicero's time . Lucullus (consul in 74 B.C. ) was and is proverbial for luxurious living. In this context , since he has m ore than he knows , he at first seems to be one who has avoided the pursuit of mere appearances : it turns Out that he is as deluded as anyone . Mimnerm us (late seventh century B. C.) was a Greek elegist. A famous and typical line of his reads: "What life, what pleasure is th ere without golden Aphrodite?"

(22) 20 Epistles 1. 7 Epistles 1. 7 EPISTLE 7 This letter is set in early September. Horace , having stayed away for longer than he promised, excuses himself from returning to Maecenas at Rome. Amusingly, it turns Out that his real intention is not to come back before the spring; we may doubt toO whether his fear of illness is not principally a cover for a mere preference , and whether he is not more concerned for his mental than his bodily well-being . At line 14 the poem strikes up his ethical theme : the rig ht way of g iving and taking favours, an important part of morality as the ancients conceived it. Maecenas has shown himself to be a good and wise man by giving Horace something truly valuable, i.e. the benefits of his patronage: Horace will properly return the favour by being not merely g rateful , but a "worthy" recipient. The force of this emerges after another bland excuse for staying away, the unavoidable approach of old age: Horace is not dependent on the good fortune for which his patron is responsible . Neither, he goes on more gently, is Rome the place for "small men" like him: the gifts he would return do not include the chance to live in the country , which is his freedom. He concludes with a story which enlarges on this notion. It indicates that Horace prefers the country , as Volteius in the end preferred the town, simply because that is where he can be what he is; it also explores a debased giving and taking of favours , in which Philippus' envious and restless egoism is contrasted with the healthy and contented self-love not , alas, combined with self-knowledge - of Volteius while he was still independent. This is what the relationship between Horace and Maecenas is not and must never be ; and the whole poem reveals a man who has warmth, tact , humour - and self-respect. 10 20 30 40 EPISTLE 7 I promised you 1'd spend five days in the country . I lied : I have been missed for the whole of August. And yet if you want me sound and well, Maecenas, you will extend your indulgence when I am ill to my fear of illness , as the first figs and the heat set undertakers in their black corteges, 21 as mothers and fathers tremble for their little ones, as concern for social duties or legal quibbles brings on fevers and unseals wills . But when winter daubs the Alban hills with snow , your bard will go down to the sea to look after himself and retire with his books , rejoining his good friend with the warm winds, if he m ay , and the first swallow . You did nOt make me rich as the Calabrian offers his g uests pears. "Do try them , please ." "I've had enough." "Take any amount away." "N o, really ." "As a treat, then , for your children." "Your gift would oblige me as much as a whole load." "All right: but the pigs'll have them if you leave them. " A fool and spendthrift gives what he has no use for: that reaps without fail a harvest of ingratitude. A good and wise man opens his hand to meri t: he knows toO the difference between money and counters. I shall prove worthy as the g iver has deserved . But if you want me never to leave, give back my healthy chest, my head of still black hair , my pleasant small-talk and engaging laughter , my tipsy sighs when Cinara frisked away. Once upon a time, a thin fox slipped through a chink in a corn-bin, and when it had had its fill , tried to force Out its swollen paunch in vain. A weasel saw it and said , "If you want to escape, lean you squeezed in, and lean you must return ." If the tale demands, I pay back everything. I do not praise, game-crammed, the poor man's slumbers , or barter my freedom and peace for the wealth of the East. You have often praised m y modesty; I have called you helper and lord , to your face and no less elsewhere . See if I can cheerfully return what I was given. Telemachus, his firm father's son, said well: "Ithaca is not the place for horses , with no broad expanse of plain or wealth of g rass . Your gifts, Menelaus, are better for you: you keep them ." The small scale fits small men : not mighty Rome for me now, but leisured Tibur, or tame Tarentum. Philippus, a tireless worker and famous lawyer , was returning once about dinner-time from business .

(23) 22 50 60 70 80 Epistles 1.7 He was elderly, and was grumbling at the distance from the courts to his home, when he saw a man, they say, lounging after a shave in the cool of the barber's and cleaning his nails for himself in peace and quiet. "Demetrius," he said to his faithful slave, "Go and find Out where he comes from, who he is, how well-off he is, who was his father or master." The slave returned and said, "Volteius Mena dealer - modest income and clean record enjoys his humble club and a roof of his own, a show and a walk in the park at the close of trading. " "Let me hear it all from his own lips; ask him to dinner." Mena could not believe his ears, but kept his surprise to himself. He replied, quite simply, "No, thanks." "Him turn down me?" "Yes - what a nerve! He must be toO proud or scared." Next day Philippus found Voltei us selling his junk to the menu peuple and gOt in firs t with a good-morning. Mena excused himself, pleading his business duties, for nOt calling earlier, and then not spotting the great man 's presence. "You can COunt youself forgiven if you dine with me today." "All right. " "Then come at three or so. Now go and increase your profits ." He came, and after talking long and freely, was finally sent to bed. The fish was to keep nibbling at the hidden hook, and so, a regular morning caller and guest at dinner , he was asked at the next recess to his patron's villa. As he rode along in the coach, he did nothing but praise the Sabine air and landscape. Philippus laughed , and simply to distract and amuse himself, gave seven thousand sesterces and lent him another seven, and made him buy a farm. To spare you all the ins and OutS of the story, the sleek tow nee became a farm er, whined over ploughland and vineyards, laid Out elms, and brooded to death on the job, grew old for love of lucre. But when thieves had taken his sheep and disease his goats, his crops had failed and his ox was wrecked with ploughing, stung by his losses, at dead of night he grabbed a horse and made in a rage for Philippus ' house . Epistles 1.7 90 I. 23 Philippus saw him rough and unkempt, and said, "My dear man, you seem to have overdone it; you're quite the hard-bitten peasant." "Damn it, sir, wretch, " he said , "is what you should call me to give my true name. So by everything you honour and hold dear, I beg, I implore you, let me return to myoId life. " As soon as you see how much better what you left is than what you ran after, go straight back where you were . It is right that every man be his own yard -stick. NOTES Cinara is mentioned again in 1. 14.34 . In both places she represents the gay life Horace has abandoned for philosophical retirement; and so here again, as when he invokes his health as an excuse, he hints at his real reason for staying away. 40-3. Cf. Odyssey 4.601 ff. Tarentum (modern Taranto) and Tibur (modern Tivoli) 45. were famous as holiday-resorts. Phili ppus was consul in 91 B. C. 46 . 28.

(24) 24 Epistles 1.8 EPISTLE 8 The letter is addressed to Albinovanus Celsus, who is accompanying Tiberius as his secretary; he has already figured, in the same circumstances, in Epistle 3. By the good wishes which normally begin an ancient letter Horace states his theme, moral welfare; he goes on to admonish his friend by contrasting their twO situations .. The writer is in a bad way himself and unpleasant to others; but he knows that his trouble is in his own mind. Celsus is probably happy and successful; but he risks being carried away himself and being intolerable to others because of a merely external good fortune. And if Horace rejects wise advice, that implies a warning to his friend not to do likewise. The poet puts these hard sayings with delicacy and detachment: partly offering himself as quite the reverse of a model, partly by addressing the whole piece not directly to Celsus, but to the Muse . The pompous invocation of the goddess, quite foreign to a letter, also points to the addressee's pretentiousness (the name Celsus , as Horace hints , means "lofty"); and it is instructive to contrast the parodies of epic in the Satires, where the humour is broader, but less rich in ethical implications (e.g. L 5. 51 ff.; 2 . 5.40 fO. EPISTLE 8 "Joy and success to Albinovanus Celsus , the prince's aide" - Bear, 0 Muse, this greeting. If he asks what I'm doing, say that my splendid plans have made me no better or happier; nOt that hail has bruised my vines or heat nipped my olives, nor are my cattle sick in a distant pasture, rather - my mind's less healthy than my body I will not hear of any remedy at all, 10 am shocked by honest doctOrs, cross with friends who strive to check this deadly listlessness, go for what harms, shun what I think would help me, at Rome want Tibur, and when there, veer Romewards. Then ask about his health, success, demeanour, and how he's making out with the prince and the staff. If he says "Well, " first show your pleasure, then remember to drip in his ear this maxim: "Celsus, Epistles 1.8 as you take yo ur good luck, so we shall you. " 25

(25) 26 Epistles 1.9 Epistles l. 10 EPISTLE 9 EPISTLE 10 This letter is a commendatio, a testimonial, addressed to Tiberius on behalf of Septimius, who is himself addressed in Odes 2.6 . Tiberius is to take him on campaign with the entOurage concerned in Epistle 3. A commendatio naturally deals with the character of the person commended; a question it no less naturally provokes is what is the character and situation of the com mender. It is round that question that Horace's poem revolves: Septimius ' merits occupy only half a line at the end. Thus Septimius knows how much Tiberius esteems Horace, . rather than the poet saying how well he knows and thinks of his friend ; and Septimius' request has set Horace a problem of ethics and etiquette (twO things not sharply distinguished in antiquity): whether to save modesty and fail a friend, or flout it and help him. He chooses the second alternative, which shows not only more unselfishness, but more savoir-faire and courage. Those qualities are ironically exalted by the metaphor of combat in lines 10- 13, which makes it seem as if Horace, nOt Septimius, were the one whose soldierly virtues need showing off to Tiberius. So the poet's "modesty" is still there - in his self-mocking wit. The letter is addressed to Aristius Fuscus , who also figures in Satires 1.9 and Odes 1.22 ; he was probably a teacher , which adds force to the metaphor of line 45. The poem's centre is the COntrast of tOwn and country life, stated in the mock titles which Horace , parodying the style of a formal letter, confers on himself and his friend in lines 1-2. The StOics held that the wise man should "live as fits our nature": by this they meant he should be tuled by reason and accept his place in a rational universe. Horace ingeniously adapts this principle to his own life . He argues that the countryside corresponds to "nature" in a rather different sense, man 's narural desires and natural satisfactions , which Epicurus, the bugbear of the Stoics, had offered as the g uide to morality . After this cheerfully, but also thoughtfully , rhetOrical passage, Horace passes at line 26 to maxims which are still bound up with his preference for the rural life , but no longer a direct arg ument in its favour. As in Epistle 14 , the contest is a front. Horace's aim is not really to prove that the country is "berrer" (a thematic word in this poem), but rather to show that all struggles for superiority are a false track; and this is implicit in 20-21, as in lines 26-9, which do not decide whether the exotic or the native dye (for both , as dyes, falsify) would be preferable . So what he recommends is as possible for FUSCU5 in the town as for himself in the country: detachment from wealth , and goodness, which is the same as obedience to nature. To lose tbe battle with nature, to "flee from grandeur, " is to be as happy as a king (lines 24 ff., 32 ff. ; cf. 8-10): to win the battle with poverty, as the horse conquered the stag, is to throwaway freedom. Lines 49-50, so unassuming, are richly suggestive. The shrine of Vacuna, if it is "crumbling , " is a place where nature has gOt the upper hand; the name of the goddess evokes Latin words (vaCltltS, vacare) for the calm and study which are now Horace's concern. The last words further imply that, as Epicurus maintained , the philosopher in his independence and retirement must still be attached to friends ; this points back to the harmony between Horace and Fuscus described in the opening lines. And the kind of "mastery" they, as true friends, should exercise over each other prevents, EPISTLE 9 Septimius, sir, is clearly the only person who knows how you value me ; in asking and driving me to try to commend him to you , as you see, as worthy of your high standards and your household , in thinking I should do a close friend 's part, he appreciates my influence better than I do. I admit that I made a number of excuses; but I was afraid it would seem that I played down, 10 and kept for myself, the power I have to help . So fleeing the worse reproach, I've laid down modesty: enlist him, if you approve - and approve of him. 27

(26) 28 Epistles 1. 10 Epistles 1. 10 and is contrasted with (lines 44-6), the false domination which the whole poem rejects. 40 EPISTLE 10 Greetings to Fuscus, the lover of the city, from the lover of the country - the one thing in which our brotherhood of hearts quite fails us: for the rest, like twins, when one says yes or no, so does the other; old familiar doves, you keep to the nest, I go for the country's charms, its river-banks, its rocks daubed with moss and its woods. In short, I'm alive, a king, when I put behind me 10 what you and your like applaud up to the skies. Like a slave escaped from a temple, I want bread: I find that better now than the worshippers' cakes. If what countS is to live as fits our nature, and in building a house the choice of site comes first, can you do better than the blissful countryside? Where are winters warmer, where does a sweeter breeze calm the rage of the Dog and the charge of the Lion when the Sun's heat has stabbed him to a fury, or grudging cares tear sleep apart less often? 20 Is the smell or sheen of grass worse than mosaics? When water struggles to burst the pipes in town is it pure as when it gurgles down its bed? Why, people grow trees among their inlaid pillars and love houses with a long vista of fields. You can pitchfork nature out, but it keeps returning to burst through your daintiness in stealthy triumph. A man who cannOt judge between Tyrian purple and a fleece that has drunk deep of our native dyes will nOt feel his loss more surely or more nearly 30 than one who cannot distinguish false from true. If fortune's favour gives you toO much pleasure, you'll reel when it changes. It will hurt to leave what thrills you. Flee from grandeur: in a cottage you can ourrun, out-live kings and courtiers . . A stag gOt the better of a horse in a long battle ' over their common field , and threw him our, till the loser appealed to a man and took the bit; 50 29 but when he had crushed the enemy, he could not cast th e rider off his back or the bit from his mouth . If fear of poverty takes from you your freedom , which is better than gold, you'll be saddled with a master for life by refusing to live with what you have. If you cannOt fi t your place, then like a shoe, it will be toO big and trip you, or small, and chafe . You are wise, Aristius, if happy with your lot; and do not let me off if I should seem to be restlessly assembling more than I need. Massed cash can rule or serve the individual: it's better following than tugging at the rope. I write from behind Vacuna's crumbling shrine, and bur for your nOt being with me , I am happy. NOTES 5. 49. The comparison points both backwards and forwards. Horace and Fuscus are as tenderly attached as the proverbial doves; but they are also like twO different kinds of dove , one which stays at home, and one that roams in the country . But Horace has in fact made the country his home, and recommends it to others as a home, which strengthens his position in the "argument" still further. Vacuna was a Sabine goddess, identified with ViCtory by the antiquarian Varro (an older contemporary of Horace whose work the scholar Fuscus would also know); and an inscription records that the emperor Vespasian restored a temple of Victory near Horace's villa. This interpretation of Vacuna must be in play here , given that the whole poem criticizes and revises conventional ideas of success by its use of the language of victory and defeat. So this line shows the fragility of wordly success, in that the shrine of Victory is crumbling; at the same time, in that her shrine is where Horace chooses to be, it suggests there is a better kind of success, indicated by Varro's derivation for the goddess' name: "Victory is enjoyed above all by those who give their time (vacent) to philosophy. "

(27) 30 Epistles 1. 11 EPISTLE 11 Bullatius has been travelling in the Aegean. Horace takes up travel with him as ~ ln ethical theme and as a possible symbol of life itself. Three choices are contemplated in the poem. Fi rst , Bullatius may be seeking a retreat in the deserted and unpopular Lebedus. Like Lucretius (3. 894-908; cf. Epistles 1. 14.6 ff.), Horace uses an elevated style to render the feelings of an ang uished soul; the more striking, then, that line 10 should echo the opening of Lucretius Book II, which expresses the Epicurean ideal of philosophic detachment: How sweet, when winds harass the mighty sea, to watch from the land another roiling mightily! Such a wish is criticized here as cowardice in the face of life's trials or ignorance of its purpose. Moreover, it is not truly Epicurean; for Epicurus enjoined a life of retirement, not isolation. Then Horace disposes of "the charms of Rhodes and Lesbos." These are as inappropriate for the mentally as they are for the physically sound. Finally, Rome is mentioned as the place ro be . This is in apparent contrast with the praises of the country in the previous Epistle. But Rome stands for where the addressee has a place; and it at once becomes clear that no environment is really better than any other. A man 's life can be good or pleasant anywhere, so long as he has stillness within . The thought and spirit of this Epistle are largely Sroic - similar things can be found in Epictetus (1. 6. 23 ff.; 2.23.6 ff.); but they are tempered by a sober hedonism. EPISTLE 11 10 ' Epistles 1. 1 1 What was Chios like, Bullatius, famous Lesbos, elegant Samos, Sardis where Croesus reigned , Smyrna and Colophon? Better or worse than they say _ or all dirt beside the Tiber's banks and streams? Is your heart in an Attalid ci ty, or sick of travel, are you enthusing over Lebedus? "You know Lebedus? It's lonelier than Gabii or Fidenae; and yet 0 to live just there, and forgetting and forgotten by my fri ends from the distant shore look down at Neptune raving! " But if in going from Capua to Rome you are bespattered 20 30 3l with mud, you do not choose to live in an inn, or if you get frozen , think that stoves and baths are the be-all and the end-all of good fortune: and if strong winds have rossed you over the sea, you do not sell your boat across the Aegean . The charms of Rhodes and Lesbos, if you're well, are a cloak in mid-summer, shorts with snow in the air, a dip in winter, or an open fire in August. For as long as you can and fortune smiles on yo u, enthuse over Samos or Chios or Rhodes in Rome. If God bestOws an hour of fortune on you, clutch it wi th gratirude, do not pos tpone your pleasures, so that wherever you are you can say you've relished your life there. If reason and wisdom are our cure, nOt a place that commands the sea spread out below , then crossing the sea's a change of ai r, not heart . A busy idleness drives us; in ships and cars we seek the good life. What you seek is here or at Ulubrae, so long as your heart is calm. NOTES I . 5. 7-8. 11. 30 . The rule of the Attalids, kings of Pergamum in the third and second centuries B.C., spread over most of Asia Minor. Lebedus was on the coast of Asia Minor, not far from Ephesus. Gabii and Fidenae were both within 15 miles of Rome. Capua was in Campania. Ulubrae was some 30 miles from Rome. It is the last word in unpleasantness, since it lay in th e unhealthy Pontine marshes.

(28) 32 Epistles l. 12 Epistles l. 12 EPISTLE 12 The letter is addressed to Iccius, like Odes 1.29. There Horace had teased this dabbler in philosophy for putting away his books to go on campaign to Arabia, a country proverbial for its riches. Here we find Iccius in Sicily administering the estates of Augustus' right-hand man, Agrippa . Horace begins by urging him not to complain if the wealth he handles is not his (cf. Epistles 2.2.158 fE.): more money would not bring more enjoyment, especially since Horace professes to believe he may have become a vegetarian, like the Sicilian philosopher Empedocles, who taught the transmigration of souls. (Line 21 makes fun of this by recalling that the Egyptians, for the same reason, abstained from even onions.) We now learn that he is also devoted to natural philosophy, the study of the heavenly bodies and their influences. Such detachment from affairs, particularly when it goes with continuing attention to them, commands admiration. But Horace goes on to hint, as at the beginning, that the philosopher's true concern is neither science nor business, but the art of life. Iccius can buy and enjoy - a friendship at a low price (the metaphor is slyly appropriate); and spontaneo us, respectful friendship between men is contrasted with the clash between rambling disorder and over-mastering order in nature, and with the follies of its students. The poem concludes by sketching the state of the empire and the economy, a further allusion to its addressee's over-riding interest, but also an indication that the individual should be content if the nation is prosperous; for the "golden horn" of Plenty, unlike Fortune's stream of gold in line 9, is present and real. And since the wording of the last phrase echoes lines 1-3, Iccius is reminded that he enjoys such plenty in his private life too . EPISTLE 12 If you profit rightly from Agrippa's profits which you are in Sicily collecting, Iccius, God could not grant more plenty: no complaints! To accept enjoyment is not poverty. If your stomach, chest and feet are in good shape, the wealth of kings can add nothing to your condition. 10 20 33 If you ignore what you have to hand and live on herbs and nettles, you will not change your ways, though Fortune's stream were suddenly to gild you, whether because money cannot alter character or because you rate all else lower t han goodness. We admire Democritus, who left his lands to cattle as his disembodied mind winged it abroad: but you make money, free of its contagion, still think great thoughts and attend to higher things, what keeps the sea in place, what rules the seasons, if the stars wander at will, or Another's bidding, what smothers the moon's disc and what reveals it, what it means, the discordant harmony of things, if Empedocles, or Roman pundits rave? But be it fish or onions you are slaughtering , enjoy the company of Grosphus, anticipate his wishes; his requests will be fair. When good men need help, the price of friends is low. Not to leave you uninformed of the state of the nation: the Spaniards have yielded to Agrippa, Armenia to Tiberius; its king on bended knee has accepted the lordship and the code of Caesar; Plenty has poured over Italy fruit from her golden horn. NOTES 12. 22. Democritus (born c. 460 B .C.), the founder of atomism, is used as a proverbial example of the unworldly philosopher. Grosphus is the addressee of Odes 2.16. Horace's words here may be an oblique request that Iccius should give him relief from his rents: that would point up further the contrast between friendship and business . A friend can properly be "bought" in so far as need, for Epicurus, is the basis of all friendship (Vatican Sayings 23; cf 67, and also Xenophon, Memorabilia 2.10.4).

(29) 34 Epistles 1. 12 Epistles 1. 13 26-9. The events described (and patriotically touched up) in these lines belong to 20 B. C. That the prosperity of the state could contribute to the individual's happiness was a doctrine of the Cyrenaic school of philosophy (see Diogenes Laertius 2.89) and a thought Horace uses elsewhere (e.g. Odes 2.9 and 3 .14). EPISTLE 13 35 The letter is addressed to Vinnius Asina; his second name means "donkey," and he was a member of Augustus' praetorian guard renowned for his strength. Horace plays cheerfully on these facts: in carrying the poet's work to the emperor, Vinnius ought to be like the brave soldier or the muscular hero, and must nOt be like the untuly beast of butden; and he pretends that Vinnius' "pack" is something like an official despatch right up to line 17. But the sharpest point of the poem, and its moral content, is what Horace implies about himself. On the one hand he is all philosophic detachment and decotum : he can profess indifference to his poems' fate and he does not even think fit to identify them. On the other hand, an all-too-human pride peeps through: he calls his work "poems that could detain the eyes and ears of Caesar, " nor would he admonish Vinnius so insistently , repeating the briefing he had already given at length more than once by word of mouth, ifhe were not as much concerned for his own poems' success as for Augustus ' privacy. Horace presents the writer's vanity as irreducible; but he is by the same token his own critic. If, as may well be, the poems concerned are the Epistles themselves, and this is a kind of dedication, then it represents very well the author's double role as philospher and common man which characterizes the whole book (cf. on Epis- tle 20) . EPISTLE 13 10 I briefed you , repeatedly and fully, when you left, only , Vinnius, give Caesar the sealed scrolls, if he is well and cheerful, and if he asks; or from loyalty to me, you might go wrong and discredit what I've written by your insistence . If the heavy burden of my papers chafes, throw it away rather than dump your pack at your destination and make the family name of Asina a joke, and yourself a byword. Cross hills, rivers , bogs with all your might ; and when at last your mission is accomplished , JUSt store your burden safely, do not bundle it

(30) 36 Epistles l. 13 under your arm like a shepherd with a lamb, or boozy Pirria with the wool she stOle, or a politician's guest with his cap and shoes . Do not tell everyone you sweated bringing poems that might detain the eyes and ears of Caesar. Remember all I asked, and press on. Forward! Do not trip and break your orders. NOTES 14 . 15. Pirria was a servant-girl in a Roman comedy, who was evidently caught pinching a ball of wool. The "politician's guest" is a man of low standing invited for dinner for his vote. Having no slave he can hand his cap and shoes to before reclining to eat, he has to stuff them under his arm . Epistles 1. 14 37 EPISTLE 14 In this letter Horace gently scolds the slave who is the overseer of his Sabine farm . It turns on an ethical contrast between the writer and his addressee, which turns out, however, to be just as much a parallel: not only because agricultural and moral work are compared in lines 4 ff. and throughout , but also because Horace has faults like his slave's . As the bailiff complains of the country, so his master of the tOwn: thus even as he tries to soothe the passionate grief of his friend Lamia, he is himself in a passion to get back home. It is true that Horace's love of the country is "consistent" and his slave's love of the tOwn is not ; but both are prey to their desires, neither can claim " to be impressed by nothing " (Epistles 1.6.1). Moreover , the bailiff feels as he does not merely because he loves sordid enjoyments, but because he is justifiably tired of his labours. At line 31 Horace now explains what causes the difference between him and his addressee: he has given up the life of pleasure, which is what the other wants; and he ends by comparing the bailiff with his coachman , and drawing a moral. But he also leaves us with the laughable picture of himself "shifting clods and rocks," which is very far from "his own work"; and that brings out that what the country means for him is leisure, whereas for the bailiff it means hard tOil. So the slave's physical work demands recreation: Horace's spiritual work allows none because it is recreation. The addressee's attitude gets sympathy and understand ing no less than criticism. EPISTLE 14 10 Worker of the wooded farm that yields me myself again , that you scorn for its five households whose five heads it sends on leave to Varia, I challenge you: do I uproot the weeds from myself more efficiently , or you from my estate ) Is Horace or his land in better condition ? Though my devotion to Lamia keeps me away as he mourns for his brother , grieves for his lost brother past all consolation , my whole being strains back and longs to burst from the starting-box . ........ ------------------------------ ~.

(31) 38 20 30 40 Epis ties 1. 14 Epistles 1. 14 I say country life is happiness, you town life; to prefer another's lot is to loathe one's own. We are both fools to blame our innocent surroundings when the fault is in the self we never escape. As drudge, you prayed in seCret for the country; as bailiff, now you long for baths and shows. I, as you know, am consistent: I hate leaving when wretched duties haul me off to Rome. We differ in that different things excite us both. Wha~ you find bleak, unfriendly hearths are to me and my SOrt beauty-spOtS; we loathe what you think lovely. Brothels, the smell of frying, make you yearn for the city; so toO the thought that on that patch spice would grow as soon as grapes, that there's no tavern near to serve you wine, no flute-girl tart to accompany your dancing that punishes the earth; you also grapple wi th fields long unhoed , see to the ox when you unyoke it and feed it leaves you stripped; rain toO imposes a tiresome burden on you when you have to train the stream to spare the meadow. Now let me tell you what our discord springs from . I once looked right well-dressed with glossy hair, was loved, not taxed, by grasping Cinara and swilled best vintages from mid-day onwards. Now, brief meals and naps by the stream for me; to have had my fling 's no slur, not stopping would be. There no-one chips at my luck wi th envious glances or lurks to poison it with the fangs of hate: my neighbours laugh at me shifting clods and rocks. You prefer the town-slaves' meagre rations, you run there in your prayers: my wheedling coachman envies your use of wood and sheep and garden . The ox longs for the saddle, the horse frets for the plough ; let each be happy, I say ~ in his own work. 39 NOTES 3. 6. Varia (modern Vicovaro) was the local town . Unlike the bailiff, the "five fathers" find enough there to amuse them. Lamia is the addressee of Odes 3. 17 and mentioned 10 Odes 1.26 .8.

(32) 40 Epistles L 15 Epistles 1. 15 EPISTLE 15 The letter is addressed to Numonius Val a who belonged to a family of standing in the region of Salernum and Velia. The poet enquires how suitable his homeland would be for a convalescent, playing artfully with a great complexity of syntax. In the first long parenthesis it is for medical reasons that Horace thinks of visiting Lucania and abandoning luxurious Baiae - against the will of his horse which represents , rather as in the myth of Plato's Phaedrus, the appetites of the rider. In the second parenthesis he begins to come clean. He only asked what the water was like because he was tired of poor wine: his real aim is good wine, and a woman . He now puts some unabashed questions about what Salernum or Velia hold for the gourmet and he goes on to reveal that when he can, he is qui te ready to fall for a life of luxury. Here, as in Epistle 5, we are left wondering whether Horace is the philosophic or the merely unregenerate hedonist. Epicurus in his Letter to Menoeceus had taught that by accustoming himself to the simple life, a man could get all the more pleasure from expensive enjoyments; and neither Horace nor Maenius could be accused of nOt making the best of their lot. But Horace's final words, and the laughable stOry of Maenius, suggest that he regards prosperity with something very far from the philosopher's detachment. Indeed, the last two lines go clean against Epicurus ' and the poet's own maxims: Horace seems to want glory and security through wealth, an aim which man's natural needs and inevitable death show to be misguided (Epistles 1.10; 2 .2.158 fO. The self-criticism in this poem complements that of Epistle 8: there Horace wanted whatever he did not have, here he claims to content himself with what he has, but is really always in search of luxury. Both points are made together in Satires 2.7.22 -42. EPISTLE 15 What the climate's like at Velia or Salernum, Vala, and the people and the roads (my doctor Musa has put me off Baiae, you see, and that put Baiae off me, now that I go for icy plunges in the depths of winter. The place bewails my snubbing 10 20 30 40 41 its myrtle-groves and sulphurous springs they say can force out rheumatism; it looks askance at people who submit their head or stOmach to the waters at Clusium or Gabii's cold hills. I have to change my haunts, spur on my horse past the old stOpping-places. "Hey, it's nOt Cumae or Baiae this time! ," the rider will say with a rug at the left rein - but horses hear with their mouths); which of the twO is better stOcked with corn, whether their water comes from rain-filled tanks or unfailing springs (I have no time, you see, for the wines in those parts. At home I bear what comes, but by the sea I look for body and bouquet, something to banish cares, send through my veins and mind an ample flow of hopes and words, rejuvenate my charms for the girls down there); which of them rears more hares, and which more boars; which of their seas conceals more choice of fish; if I'm to go back home a fat Phaeacian, it's up to you to write and me to listen. Maenius, once he had manfully made away with both his parents' fortunes, gOt a name as a socialite, a wit of no fixed trough ; till dinner, friend from foe was all one to him, he hurled all kinds of gibes at anyone, and, the bane and ruination of the meat-shops, gave all the takings to his paunch to hoard . But when from those who liked or feared his kind he gOt little or nothing, he dined off bowls of tripe and scrag of lamb (enough to feed three bears) , to pronounce, reformed into a puritan, that epicures should have their bellies branded. Yet when he laid hands on some loot and rumed it all to smoke and ashes, he said, "I'm not surprised people eat up their fortunes. What could be better than a plump thrush or a sow's capacious womb? " That's JUSt like me: all for the simple life when short of cash, and brave enough about it; but in better and fatter times my opinion is, you can only be wise and happy with visible asse ts soundly invested in fine residences .

(33) Epistles 1. IS Epistles 1. 16 NOTES EPISTLE 16 Salernum is modern Salerno. Velia was some 50 miles further down the coast. 2. Antonius Musa was a famous physician who brought a cold-water therapy intO fashion by curing Augustus with it · in 23 B.C. Horace at once reveals, by his choice of doctOr, that he is used to a good style of life; he also puns on t he Muse whose commands the poet obeys. 3-12. Baiae (cf. Epistles 1.l.83), with nearby Cumae, was famous for its gay life. Horace blandly pretends he must avoid it merely b'ecause its springs are not indicated for his condition: his horse gives the game away. Clusium is modern Chiusi. See on Epistles l.2 . 28. 24 . 26. Horace borrowed t he figure of Maenius from his predecessor in satire, Lucilius. Here, as in Satires l.3 . 21-3, he represents a cheerful and appealing self-ignorance. The letter, like Odes 2 .11, is addressed to Quincrius . His enquiries, mentioned in its opening words and what follows , imply that his chief concern is with money and success : whereas for Horace his estate is a place to enjoy and to be healthy in. Horace lovingly impresses on his friend the merits of his own farm; there is some self-mockery in this , but it is also a contrast to what Quinctius risks , falling for others ' praise of himself. He may prefer appearances to reality, being what people call good rather than truly good . (In line 1, where Quinctius is called optime, "best ," and throug hout Horace plays on the ambiguity of the Latin bonus, which can apply to the "man of substance" no less than to the sag e.) Two metaphors g overn the poem and define its thinking. First, that of health, philosophy being , in Cicero's phrase , "the medicine of the soul" (TztScuian Disputations 3. 6) . Horace's farm keeps him "well": Quinctius may be using popular admiration to conceal from himself his need for a cure. The second dominant metaphor is introduced at line 4 6 in the example of the slave; for philosophy is what gives a man freedom from the tyranny of Fortune and of his own desires or fears . The poem concludes by setting the "money-grubber," who makes himself like a captured and enslaved deserter , against the sag e, who even though actually a prisoner , has freedom always in his g rasp if need be, by suicide. This figure has something to do with Horace , who at the beginning of the poem appeared as one who gets the best from his possessions without being dominated by them or the search for more . Nowhere in the Epistles does Horace, who here draws heavily on Stoic teaching , speak with more gravity and rig our; and he ti:eats the apparently most acceptable value of society, good citizenship , as necessarily hollow . Characteristically, he putS this poem after one in which he has appeared as an unthinking hedonist and where in a very different way he is ag ain concerned with his health . 42 1. EPISTLE 16 To save you enquiring , Quinctius, whether my farm feeds me with corn or enriches me with olives 43

(34) 44 10 20 30 40 Epistles L 16 Epistles 1. 16 or fruit or pastures or elms draped in vines, here is a chatty account of it and its site. Imagine a chain of hills split by a valley, dark, but seen on the right by the rising sun and warmed on the left by its departing charior: you'd praise the climate. And if obliging bushes bore sloes and wild cherries ? And if oak and ilex lavished their fruits on the herd and shade on the owner! You'd say Tarentum was leafing on your doorstep. Add a spring that's big enough to name the river , cold and clear as th e Hebrus curled around Thrace, and good for ailments of the head and bowels. Thanks to this favourite or- if I' ve convinced you -lovely retreat, you find me healthy in September. You thrive if sure to be what you are called. At Rome we've long been holding you up as happy; bur I fear you trUSt others ' views of you more than your own, think happiness is not JUSt goodness and wisdom, and if they keep telling you you're sound and healthy, conceal at dinner-time your lurking fever, till the tremOrs fall on yo ur still g reasy hands. False shame hides the fool's untreated sores. If one retailed your land- and sea-campaigns and caressed your idle ears with words like these: "Whether your safety is dearer to the people or the people's to yo u , let Him who cares for both , God, keep in doubt" - you'd see the praise was Caesar's; when you let yourself be called wise and flawless, tell me , could you answer to that name? "Don 't we both like to be called right-thinking and good men)" What was g iven today can be withdrawn tomorrow, like powers abused; the people say, "return our property," and I slink off empty-handed. If they cried "Stop thief! " at m e, impug ned by m y m orals , claimed I had tightened th e noose on my father's neck, should I be stung by such falsehoods, blanch or blush ) Flattering lies delight and slander frightens those whose fl aws need treatment. Who is good? "One who abides by the law and the senate's decrees , who often arbitrates in g reat dispures, whose name as surety or witness is decisive." 50 60 70 But his household, the whole neighbourhood, can see how black he is under his showy clothing. If my slave says , ''I've not stolen or run off. .. " "You have your reward, " I answer, "you're not flogged "; "Nor killed .. . ," "You won't be crucified for crows' meat"; ''I' m a good servant ," "No ," says Horace, "no." For the wary wolf will ~void the pit-fall, hawks the snare they suspect, and fish the baited hook; good men shun wrongdoing Out of love of goodness. You commit none for fear of punishment; you would do sacrilege, given a chance to hide it. For when you steal one bushel of beans from a thousand, the loss, but not the crime's less for that. The good man, whom all courts of law look up to, whenever he offers a pig or art ox to the gods, first says Out loud, "0 Janus" or "Apollo," then murmurs under his breath, "Mighty Laverna, let me be undetected, let me seem hon~st ; wrap my misdeeds in darkness, muffle my frauds." Is he better or freer than a slave, the money-grubber who stoOpS to pick up a penny stuck ro the pavement ? I can't see how . For greed brings with it fear; and men who live in fear can never be free. One who's swamped in his restless search for money has dropped his arms and fled the ranks of goodness . You can sell him as a prisoner; spare his life: he'll serve as a slave, as ploughman or as shepherd or weather srorms and waves in a cargo-ship; let him keep down the price of grain with his imports. The good - the wise - man will nOt flinch from saying: "Pentheus, king of Thebes, what will you force my innocence to bear?" "I'll take your goods! Herds, money , furni ture, plate, that is." "Take them ." "I'll keep you bound hand and foot in the care of a savage gaoler." "God, when I wish it, will release me. " What that means, I think , is "1 shall die. " Death ends it alL NOTES II. 60. 45 See on Epistles 1. 7.4 5. Laverna was the patron-goddess of thi eves.

(35) 46 Epistles 1. 16 Epistles 1. 17 Probably an allusion to a malicious game played by children on passers-by. 73 -9 . A free rendering of a passage in Euripides' Bacchae (492-8), part of the dialogue between Pentheus, king of Thebes, and the disguised god Dionysus, whom he has juSt captured. Horace, following philosophical models, turns this episode into a moral allegory. EPISTLE 17 64. 47 Nothing is known of Scaeva, to whom this letter is addressed: if the poem is Horace at his most humorous u.nd sarcastic, that does not mean he regards the younger man with contempt, nor do the polite and affectionate opening lines suggest it. Horace's precepts begin with an escape clause: the Epicurean life of retirement is no bad one. Bur some men cannOt be deterred from a desire for high living, and Epicurus himself thought it best for them to follow such desires if they could flOt endure leisure (frgs. 549-57 Usener). So Horace goes on to praise Aristippus, who earned his wealth by his services and would have borne poverty with equal dignity, against the Cynic, who is nothing bur a beggar and incapable of being anything else . In other words, even if the dependent 's life is not the best one, there is a better and worse way of living it. At line 33 the advice becomes more specific. At the same time, Horace becomes more ironical: lines 33-42 are a parody of those exhortations to philosophy which were echoed quite seriously in Epistles l. 1, 2 and 6. The general idea recalls l. l. 28-3 5, the image of the journey the end of 2; bur the goal is reversed (goodness, or true "manhood," is here merely equivalent to success), as is the thought and expression of 1. 11. 29 ff. and 1.7.44. The poem ends with tips on how to squeeze gifts our of a patron, which are also acure and entertaining vignettes of human folly. The tone of the whole latter half of the poem is satirical; bur lines 6-10 have indicated the view closest to Horace's heart: Horace can laugh at the careerist's life because he knows something better. So his parody of advice-giving here is more serious and ethical than the same kind of parody in Satires 2.5. EPISTLE 17 Although, Scaeva, you can look after yourself and know just how to handle high society, listen to your old friend, who is still a learner, as if a blind man were showing you the way; bur see if some of even my thoughts might be worth taking over. If you love peace and quiet and sleeping late, if you cannot tolerate dust and the clatter of wheels

(36) 48 10 20 30 40 Epistles 1. 17 or roadside inns, retreat into the country . For enjoyment is not the prerogative of wealth, and a whole life our of sight is not a bad one. If you want ro benefit your family and treat yourself more kindly, take your hunger to rich nt·hles. "If Aristippus could have faced greens for dinner he'd not have lived with kings. " "And if my critic knew how to live with kings, he'd jib at greens." Tell me whose precepts and practice you prefer, or learn from an older man why Aristippus wins. This is how they say he dodged a snarling Cynic: "I clown for myself, you for the public; my way's much nobler. To get a horse and meals, I pay my coun; you beg for a pittance, bur you're still beholden, for all your vaunted freedom." All styles and levels suited Aristippus: He aimed higher, and was equal ro where he was. Bur the man who faces life draped in a blanket I doubt if a change of habits would suit him. The one will never hanker for fine clothes, will walk dressed anyhow through the market-place and neatly fit himself ro either role; the other will shun fine weaves like a mad dog or a snake: he'd die of cold withour his blanket. Give him it back, and let the poor fool live. To command, ro parade your prisoners through the city, that reaches Jupiter's throne and bids for heaven: to find favour with great men is an honour roo. "Not everyone can make it ro the top." A coward will always stick where he is. "All right; bur is getting there so manly?" What we're after is there or nowhere. One's appalled by the load as roo great for his puny heart and strength , the other carries it through . What is a man , if a man is not to better himself by his enterprise? Hiding your lack of means in your patron's presence brings in more - the aim of it all, though ro g rab and ro take discreetly are not the same - than cadging . "My sister's dowryless, my mother's poor, my land's un saleable and its yields are low " you might as well shour "Feed me!"; someone else Epistles 1. 17 50 60 49 chants "Me too !," and the cake gets split between you. If the crow had fed in silence, it would have gOt more dinner, and far less squabbling and resentment. If you are taken along on a trip to the sunny south, and complain of the pot-holes, cold and rain, or moan that thieves broke your case and filched your money, you are reviving the tan's old tricks - forever in tears over some srolen beads or bangles , till her real losses and sorrows are not believed. No-one once duped will help the trickster up when he breaks his leg in the street. Hecan stream with tears , he can swear by the god Osiris, "I'm not shamming, honestly! Lend me an arm, you callous lot!" "Try that one on a stranger, " the crowd croaks back. NOTES 13-32. For Aristippus , see on Epistles l.l.16-9. Like him, the Cynics represented, more than any distinctive theories , a Sty Ie of behaviour , which Horace satirizes again in Epistles l. 18.5 ff. They are immortalized for English readers by the figure of Apemantus in Timon 0/ Athens .

(37) 50 Epistles Epistles 1. 18 EPISTLE 18 The letter is addressed, like Epistle 2, co the young Lollius. It deals with the same theme as the preceding one, how co live with the great; and like it, it blends advice with satire. Horace begins by contrasting twO absurd extremes, the flatterer's obsequiousness and the Cynic's mania for self-assertion: if Scaeva's temptation was CO get rich at all costs, Lollius' is clearly co contradict his own choice of life by misguided bids for independence. At line 21 there follows a warning for one who seeks money co finance his luxuries; such a man may defeat his ends, cause his patron - if he does not simply alienate him - to squeeze him into a life of virtuous moderation. Through the irony of this and through the contrasting story of Eutrapelus it becomes clear, as throughout Epistles 17 and 18, how the dependant can only get what he wants by living rightly. At line 37 come more detailed precepts which seek to harmonize the claims of dignity and politeness. There is an appealingly personal note in lines 58-66 which record Lollius' pastimes and commend them as true to his narure no less than good for his career. By contrast, writing poetry is cheerfully depreciated as an unsociable activity and Lollius' taste for it as an affectation . But from line 67 the dangers, moral and material, of the courtier's life become ever clearer; and in 96 ff., as in Epistle 17.6- 10, Horace's apparent acceptance of it is qualified by his quiet praise of philosophic retirement. Again he alludes to Epicurus' maxim "live Out of sight"; and the last twO lines recall another of the philosopher's sayings: "it is pointless co ask the gods for what we can supply ourselves. " Horace is, however, also well aware of his need for some wordly goods ("a year's score of food and books") and of the good fortune which allows him to live easily as the neighbouring villagers of Mandela cannot. This and the previous Epistle both portray wi th humour and insight the moral problems of the careerist; that is because, as Epistle 7 reveals, Horace achieved not only success, but also independence and contentment , through his association with the great. 10 20 30 40 EPISTLE 18 1. 18 51 I know your outspokenness, Lollius, will shrink from practising flattery while professing friendship. An honest woman and a tart are different and look different: likewise friend and flatterer. That vice has an opposite almost worse than itself, a boorish, grim, unprepossessing gruffness that flaunts as social assets a shaven head and bad teeth, and outspokenness as virrue. Virtue's a mean flanked on both sides by vices. One man, tOppling into slavishness, cracks jokes at the bottom of the table: he shudders at the rich man's nod and repeats his words, snapping them up as they fall you'd think he was a schoolboy saying his lines to a tOugh master, or a comedian's stooge; ano th er will start a figh t over a figment, cross swords for trifles: "Have my opinion rated below another's?, " "Not bark Out my real beliefs) A second lifetime's not worth that!" And the question ' The relative skills of twO gladiatOrs, the merits of different rouces to south-east. If costly sex or rumbling dice have stripped you, if ambition clothes and grooms you beyond your means, if you hunger and thirst incessantly after money and run in shame from poverty, a rich patron, who's often endowed with far more faults, will shun you, or if nOt shun you , guide you like a mother and wish you wiser and better than himself. He'll say (which is true enough), "My wealth permits folly. Don 't you compete: your means are slight. For a wise dependant, simple dress : don 't try to equal me." Eutrapelus harmed his enemies by giving them rich clothes: "Now , in his bliss, with his fine shirts he'll put on new ideas: sleep late, neglect his duties for a tarr, fatten creditOrs , and end up in the ring or driving a vegetable-gardener's cart for pay." Don't look into your patron's secrets, keep his confidences though drink or anger rack you . Don't praise your own pursuits or frown on others'; and when he's for hunting, do not pen your poems. Good will between the twin sons of Dirce

(38) 52 50 60 70 80 Epistles 1. 18 Epistles 1. 18 was split, unril the lyre that Zethus hated fell silenr. Amphion in the stOry yielded to his tOugh brother's tastes: you yield to your patron's mild commands, and when he goes Our leading his hounds and a trOOp of mules burdened with nets, leave your illiberal art, your graceless Muse, to share his dinner and the work that earned it. That is the Roman way: it makes a man, mainrains his health . And it's doubly right for you; who can beat a hound for speed or a boar for strength; and none is better at handling arms than you (you know what applause you win from the spectatOrs at exercises), and still in your first youth you faced the Spanish war with him who now plucks down Our standards from the Parthians' temples and awards the remnanr of the world to Rome. It would be unforgiveable to Opt out; for though you try to avoid all jarring notes, still sometimes you unwind at your country home. The slaves share out the boats and re-enact the battle of Actium with you as leader, your brother as enemy, the pond as Adriatic, unril winged victOry crowns one of you. A man who believes you share his inrerests will heartily support those games of yours . To go on with my advice (if you need advice), take care what you say about others , and to whom . Keep clear of the inquisitive - they talk; wide-open ears are no safe home for secrets, and a word once let Out flies off for good. Let no servanr-boy or girl inflame your passions in your honourable friend's marble halls, for fear the master granr your heart's desire (the little darling), or thwart you, to your grief Think twice and more about whom to inrroduce, or another's errors may bring shame on you. We can all go wrong and presenr an unworthy person; so do not protect one who betrayed your trUSt against his guilt, just as you UJould stand by a friend who was accused and relied on you . When back-biters are gnawing at his good name 90 100 110 53 do you see t he danger will soon come your way? It's your affair when a party-waIl's on fire, and a blaze left to itself will gather strength. How sweet the courtier's lot, if you have not tried it; if you have, how grim. While your ship still rides the waves, take care, a change of wind could sweep you back. Gaiety irks the gloomy, gloom the cheerful, speed the slow, and laziness the busy. Drinkers hate to have a glass refused, though you swear you're only afraid of a night-sweat. Take clouds from your brow; restrainr may well acquire an air of brooding, and taciturnity of sourness. All the while keep reading, sounding out the wise on how to live your life in peace: whether desire, forever in need, tOrmenrs you, or anxious hope of things that do not counr; if goodness is gained by learning or given by nature; what CutS down worry, sets you at one with yourself, what makes you clear and still - advancement, cash, or a life that steals along out of sight. Each time I slake my thirst with the cooling stream the frost-wrinkled village of Mandela drinks , what prayer do you suppose is in my mind? "May I keep what I have, or less; bur may what's left of life, if the gods leave any, be .my own. May I have a year's stOre of food, and books, and never drift in doubtful hope from hour to hour. " But from God I ask only what he gives and takes away, life and prosperity : calm is my affair. NOTES 31. 41. 99. Eutrapelus was a rich, hedonistic and humorous contemporary of Cicero. The mythical twins Amphion and Zethus, sons of Dirce, represenred the poet or conremplative and the man of action in Euripides' Antiope, which conrained a debate between the two. "Things that do not counr" echoes the StOic view of material goods as preferable to lack of them, but indifferenr to goodness and happiness.

(39) 54 Epistles 1. 19 Epistles L 19 EPISTLE 19 The letter, like Epistle 1, is addressed to Maecenas , who thus gets an honourable position at the beginning and end of the book. It develops and to some extent qualifies what · was said about poetry and philosophy there. Horace begins with a shock: his apparent assent to the doctrine that poets must be drunkards. But it soon emerges that his "ed ict" against sobriety was mere hypothesis and a joke; he now introduces the theme of imitation, and with it a more serious, or less pessimistic, view of the poet's craft. Horace's imitatOrs seek Out what is worst and most superficial in their exemplar: by contrast, Horace himself represents independence and a right use of models. In his Epodes he followed Archilochus (to an extent no other Latin poet had) , but not slavishly sticking to his characters and situations; in the Odes he made himself still freer of him. Like Alcaeus, who was his chief model in the later book, he there controlled the unruly violence of Archilochus. Now Horace criticizes, after the inept admiration of his imitators, the inept envy of his readers . But despite his show of diffidence and self-control, he himself also comes in for criticism from them as haughty and opinionated. The beginning of the poem hinted that the poet, a drunkard, had no chance of being a good man; the end suggests that vanity may be as characteristic of him as tipsiness. All this casts doubt on Horace's picture of himself in lines 21-34 as an artistic and ethical exemplar, the more so since his interlocutOr's words in 44-6 echo Horace's own in 21 -3. There is a double view of poetry here, as a version of the moral life and as a mere distraction from it, or worse: so tOO in Epistle 3 and in Book II. This contraposition reappears in another great poet and critic, though it is less sharp and less humorous: there is· always "the intolerable wrestle with words and meanings," but "the poetry does not matter" (T.S . Eliot, East Coker.) 10 20 30 40 EPISTLE 19 If reading old Cratinus has convinced you, no verse can please ·or last for long, Maecenas, by water-drinkers . Since Bacchus first co-opted those madmen, poets, to his band of Fauns and Satyrs , 55 the Muses tend to smell of wine first thing . Homer's praises of drink prove him a drinker; even the venerable Ennius only when tipsy sprang into battle. "Business is assigned to teetOtallers ; the dry are prohibited from song . " As soon as I issued this edict, the poets began to swill wine at night and reek of it by day . If a man looks fierce and grim, wears no shoes and a threadbare cloak to have the air of CatO, who'd say he revives the upright life of CatO? Iarbitas ' tOngue, by vying with Timagenes, broke him: to be thought a wit, he overstretched himself. A model whose faults you can copy is a snare : if I was pale, they'd just drink bloodless cummin. You imitatOrs, slavish herd, how often your to-do has raised my bile, or else my laughter! I was a free man, a pioneer; I did not stick to others' tracks. Be sure of yourself and you will lead the swarm. I first brought epodes to Latium: I followed the metre and spirit of Archilochus, but not his hounding of Lycambes. And in case you are inclined to clip m y laurels, because I feared to change his verse technique: his Muse was ruled by manly Sappho's foot and Alcaeus ', thoug h his form and matter differ he does not look for a father-in-law to smear or twist in lampoons a noose for his beloved; and him , unsung before, my Latin lyre diffused. My wish is that this unique achievement be read and handled by free-spirited men. If you want to know why ungrateful readers love my things at home, bur disparage them elsewhere: I do nOt chase the fickle public's votes with costly dinners and presents of old clothing. I do not care to hear "distinguished writers" (and ge t my own back) at the critics ' hustings. There's the rub. I say, "Light verse recited in close-packed theaters would gain tOO much weight," and one replies , "Joker! You keep your scuff for the highest ears; you dote on your image, sure you're the sale source of poetic honey ."

(40) 56 1 dare not sneer at that; to escape his nails, "This pitch won't do, " I cry, "postpone the games." For games cause feverish struggles and resentment, resentment bitter feuds and war and death. NOTES 1. Epistles L 20 Epistles L 19 Cratinus was an Attic writer of comedy of the fifth century B.C., an older contemporary of Aristophanes. Horace alludes to a line from a play of his, The Flask, in which he presented himself as a drunkard. 7. Ennius (239- 169 B.C.), the epic poet, wrote the Annals of Rome from the beginning down to 17 1 B . C. in eighteen books . He was commonly considered the Latin equivalent to Homer (cf Epistles 2 . 1.50 ff). Horace echoes and makes fun of a dicrum from the older poet's Satires: "I only write when 1 am gOuty" (i.e. drunk). 15. Timagenes was an Alexandrian who had some success as a rhetorician and a wit in Rome, and with Augustus himself Nothing more is known of larbitas than this passage tells us. 25 -31. Archilochus of Paros, who floutished in the mid-seventh century B.C., was the model for Horace's Epodes: he was famous for his virulence. The story went that his venomous lampoons against his betrothed and her family (Lycambes was her father) for rejecting him caused her and her sisters to hang themselves. Sappho and Alcaeus flourished in the early sixth century B. c.; Alcaeus was Horace's professed model in the Odes, as he says here too. All three Greek poets belong in one gente in so far as all wrO te about thems~lv. Horace describes the history of Greek personal poetry in this way in order to parallel his own development from Epodes to Odes: he thus brings Out the ethical improvement implicit in that change of manner, but without undue self-assertion. 57 EPISTLE 20 In the last poem of the volume, as ancient poets often do, Horace briefly presents himself to his readers. At the same time he describes and addresses his book, much as Catullus , for example, describes his in poem 1 or Ovid addresses his in Tristia 1. 1. These forms are handled with characteristic humour and subtlety. It is as if the book were a pretty boy-slave escaping to make his forrune in the world out of his admirers, a metaphor which is developed through a number of puns; and Horace, for all his warnings, is conniving. This is designedly incongruous in a work devoted to ethics: it is the poet's way of mocking, while apparently denying, his amour propre (compare Epistle 13); for the mere fact of publication goes ill with the aspiring philosopher's detachment from popular acclaim. In conclusion comes a miniature biography of the writer, which covers the main topics of that gente in antiquity: origins, deeds and honours, appearance, character, dates. In this again Horace reveals with d eliberate candour a touch of vanity, besides commenting on his irascibility: here, as throughout the Epistles, he is as much the fallible as the exemplary human being. His consciousness of that makes him the more fit to be the moralist. EPISTLE 20 10 I see, book, you're eager for change , for openings in town - to sell your charms , all smooth and glossy. You loathe a chaste reserve; ''I'm not displayed enough!, " you moan, and clamour for publicity . With yourupbringing! - but follow your urge to a come-down Once Out, you can never return. "What made me do it?," you'll say when you 're rejected; yet you know you're put on the shelf when your sated lover flags. Well , if disgust does not impair my forecast, you will be prized at Rome till your freshness leaves you; but when everyone has pawed at you and soiled you, you'll end up dumbly feeding mindless vermin, or packed off to an exile in the colonies. The adviser you ignored will laugh like the man who in his rage shoved his untesponsive donkey

(41) 58 20 Epistles, 1.20 off a cliff: why bother to frustrate his death-wish? And there's worse to come: your old age lisping sentences with a classful of beginners at street-corners. But when the warm sun brings along more hearers, tell them that I, the son of a humble freedman, grew wings that outspread the nest (so that whatever my family lose in the tale my merits gain), found favour with the great, in war and peace, was short, prematurely grey, fond of the sun, quick-tempered, but quick to be calmed down again . If anyone makes enquiries about my age, say I completed my forty -fourth December in the year when Lepidus joined Lollius. NOTES 13. It is amusing to set this beside Odes 2.20 . 17-20, where, in grand style, Horace imagines his work being read in the most distant parts of the Roman empire. The mockery of his own pretentions as a poet is characteristic of the Epistles. 17 -18. Schoolmasters of the lower sOrt worked in the street in antiquity, beginning very early. So as the day went on, passers-by might stop and listen to them our of idle CUrIosIty. 28. Lepidus and Lollius were consuls in 21 B.C. This seems to imply that Epistles I was complete before 20 B.C.' EPISTLES BOOK TWO

(42) 58 20 Epistles, 1.20 off a cliff: why bother to frustrate his death-wish? And there's worse to come: your old age lisping semences with a classful of beginners at street-corners . But when the warm sun brings along more hearers, tell them that I, the son of a humble freedman, grew wings that outspread the nest (so that whatever my family lose in the tale my merits gain), found favour with the great, in war and peace, was short, prematurely grey, fond of the sun, quick-tempered, but quick to be calmed down again. If anyone makes enquiries about my age, say I completed my forty -fourth December in the year when Lepidus joined Lollius. NOTES It is amusing to set this beside Odes 2.20.17-20, where, in grand style, Horace imagines his work being read in the most distant parts of the Roman empire. The mockery of his own pretentions as a poet is characteristic of the Epistles. 17 -18. Schoolmasters of the lower SOrt worked in the street in antiquity, beginning very early . So as the day went on, passers-by might stOp and listen to them out of idle CUflOSIty. 28. Lepidus and LoUius were consuls in 21 B. C. This seems to imply that Epistles I was complete before 20 B.C.' 13. EPISTLES BOOK TWO

(43) Epistles 2. 1 61 EPISTLE 1 ng address to Aug ustu s. The lett er beg ins wit h a flat teri nd, the emp ero r is hon our ed Un like oth er benefaCtors of ma nki y wri ters are not spa red the in his life tim e. But pre sen t-da me n dur ing the ir lives: such envy whi ch usually assails gre at tles 1. 19) is the cause of the envy (wh ich figures also in Epis wri ting s. Its ine ptit ude is alcur ren t preference for archaic of lines 13 f: me n experience ready exposed by the ima ger y por arie s as an irks om e bur den the brig htn ess of gre at con tem onl y adm ire the m whe n it has or a sco rch ing flame; they can n follow furt her crit icis ms of bee n ext ing uish ed by dea th. The a par alle l wit h Gre ek cul ture , the arch aist s. If the y app eal to ity of any such arg um ent from they are refu ted by the abs urd cou ld pro ve, equ ally abs urd ana log y (lines 31 -3): in fact, one tha t the lite ratu re of the presly, by the ir mo de of reas oni ng arch aist s expose them selv es to ent -da y is the bes t. Fur the r, the phi loso phe rs: how few hairs twO logical dile mm as of the ins mak e a hea p - and how mak e a bald hea d, how man y gra Thi s is a mo re tha n cap tiou s man y years mak e a gre at wri ter? a qua lity like age cannOt refu tati on because it reveals how if to call som eth ing old is in serve as a crit erio n of wor th; and ent (an ass um ptio n imp lici t in itse lf a favourable val ue- jud gem the n we are dea ling no lon ger the Lat in antiqztizts = "be tter "), beg ged que stio n. The archaists wit h a crit erio n, mer ely wit h a mo ral confusion. the n, are in stat e of logical and a littl e mo re det ail the At line 50 Hor ace describes in abo ut each of the anc ien t wri tcri tics ' and the pub lic 's views dly bar b to his arg um ent . It ers. Thi s allows him to add a dea tha t ant iqu ity enta ils perfecwou ld be mis tak en to sup pos e the anc ient s have som e faults, tion ; but if it is gra nte d tha t him self is clai min g : his opp othe n tha t is JUSt wha t Hor ace ir folly for reason and sense. nen ts have thu s aba ndo ned the aria nism were the mo ral erAnd wha t mo tiva ted the ir ant iqu y (lines 86- 9; cf 13 f) rors of van ity (lines 83 - 5) or env Hor ace takes up aga in the At line 90 comes a tran siti on. an cul ture as a par ting sha ft com par ison of Gre ek and Rom beg ins a bro ade r consideraaga inst envy; the sam e com par ison and its pub lic. Gre ek lite ratu re tion of the the me of lite ratu re l pro spe rity and mo ral decaflowered in a per iod of mat eria

(44) 63 Epistles 2 . 1 Epistles 2.1 dence: likewise Roman literature, Horace included, nowadays. He now cheerfully ignores the archaic writers: what is admirable in Roman antiquity was, if anything, not its literature, but its life; at the same time, it becomes clear again that his criticism of the ancients does not imply approval of the moderns. Rather, poetry as such is a form of madness - a theme developed also in Epistles l. 19 and 2.2. Horace goes on to . a bland but equivocal defence of this madness. The poet is harmless; he also has a func ti on to perform in the community. Indeed , in Horace's own Odes there is consolation, moral instruCtion and praise of great men of the past as models for the present, juSt as there are religious training for the young and prayers for the public good in his Carmen Saeculare. But here , as one who has in principle renounced poetry, he treats this concept of its function with a moralist's scepticism. The useful poet, who is described partly in the terms of PlatO's austere ideal of literature, is nOt placed in any real context; and when at line 139 Horace rerurns to histOrical societies, new doubts about the poet are raised. As long as Roman poetry was confined to country festivals it was, if crude, innocuous; but then it began to turn into something nastier, political lampoonery. This tendency was corrected; but we learn nothing of what works were produced as a result. Horace passes at once to ano ther version of the theme of Latin literature by comparison wi th Greek , which again putS the Romans' efforts in no favourable light. When they came to take the Greeks as models they were late learners: they could not break free of their rustic origins (lines 156- 160). Moreover, the tragedians were blinded to their fau lts by their own vanity; and the comedian Plautus, who is maliciously described as embodying in himself all the weaknesses of his charaCters (lines 170-4), was a slovenly writer because he cared only for money . At line 177 Horace begins to develop his argument in ralation to contemporary literature . The dramatist's motive is again a base one, vainglory. Nor do his theatre or his public give him any encouragement to write seriously, for they only take pleasure in empty spectacle. Horace concludes his discussion of drama with the claim that he admires the accomplished dramatist, but this claim is humorously undermined . by his own words , The dramatist is compared to a tight-rope walker or a magician ; he "fills " Out hearts with "empty" feel ings. This is also a serious criticism: Horace recalls PlatO's strictures on drama as deceiving the mind and stirring up the passions with mere imitations of reality (see Republic X; also Ion 535c-d) . At line 21 4 poetry for reading becomes Horace's theme. He first mocks the poet's egoism; but he goes on to sugg est that a good one would have a function in commemorating and praising "merit in peace and war" (line 230) . Poetry of this kind , fo"r which Augustus himself was a natural subject, was widespread at the time ; and Cicero in the Pro Archia justifies poetry in general by its fulfilling such a purpose. He also compares and contrasts it with sculpture there much as Horace does in lines 248-50 . But perhaps more to the point is that this is also a PlatOnic ideal for poetry (Republic 607a "encomia on brave and good men"), and so the counterpart of Horace's Platonic criticisms of drama . But is such poetry possible ? The imagery of lines 23 5-7 implies that it is as natural for a poet to besmirch great deeds with his writing as for the ink he writes with to stain his fingers. Moreover, Alexander the Great, who showed good judgement in choosing painters and sculptOrs , showed none in choosing poets. Augustus , by contrast , was wise to choose Virgil and Varius; but they are dead , and the only substitute Horace contemplates is a broken reed, himself. If he were to write in praise of the emperor, that would only g ive a hold to the envy which he congratulated AugustuS on having avoided at the beginning of the poem . The letter concludes with a passage of sparkling wit which enlarges on that idea. Horace tactfully and unexpectedly substitutes himself for Augustus; and the encomium to be written thus becomes , from a burdensome duty, a tiresome service. He alludes in line 265 to the waxen images of the ancestOrs which were displayed at Roman noblemen's funerals ; but if his "image" were to be immortalized in a poem , the unhappy and paradoxical result for him would be a blush of shame, and a quite undisting uished "funeral ", shared with the poem as it met its due end as wrapping paper. Epistles 2.1, like all Horace's writing on the subject, views poetry with severity and scepticism; and we are left doubting 62

(45) 64 Epistles 2. 1 whether good poetry and a good public is ever likely in any human society. This is in sharp COntrast to the Odes: in 3.25, for example, he exalts the poetic madness which seizes the singer of the emperor's deeds; or in 4.8, the COntrast of poet and sculptor that we also meet in the Epistle is all to the poet's credit. And although in 1.6 (cf. 2.12; 4 .2; 4.15) he again professed himself unequal to a martial and epic encomi um , it was not as the moralist he is in the Epistle: the echoes of PlatO here are far from casual. The result is a searching examination of the poet and the society he belongs in which is, in the fullest and best sense, literary criticism. Epistles 2.1 30 40 EPISTLE 1 10 20 When you bear alone so great a load of duties, protect the land with arms, improve its morals with laws, I should defy the national interest if my causeries detained you long, Augustus. Romulus and Bacchus, the twins CastOr and Pollux, who after their mighty deeds were enshrined with the gods, at the time they walked on earth caring for men, settling wars, allotting lands, founding cities, moaned that the gratitude they hoped for did nOt meet their services. The man who crushed the hydra and quelled great monsters in his destined labouts found Out that envy is only tamed by death. Such brilliance , weighing on talents placed beneath it, inflames them: once extinguished , it's admired. You receive honours when they are due, in your lifetime: we set up altars where we invoke yOut godhead, we admit yo u have no equal, past or future. But this people of YOutS, so wise and JUSt in putting you only above our own and the Grecian heroes, by no means use that judgement on other things, and view with contempt and disgust whatever has not completed its time and left the land of the living . So fond are they of antiquity, they insist that the Twelve Tables , the pacts which set the kings at one with Gabii or the stiff- necked Sabines, the priestly books, the aged tOmes of prophecy, came from the Muses ' lips on the Alban hill. 50 60 70 65 If, because th e oldest writings of the Greeks are also the best, we weigh Out Roman writers on the same scales, then there's little to be said: a nut must be soft outside and an olive inside ; we have reached the tOp in wealth, therefore as artists and as athletes we outdo the well-oiled Greeks. If time makes poems better as it does wine, tell me what age claims value for a book. Does a writer who went down a century back belong with the faultless ancients or debased moderns ? Draw a line to stOp disputes . "Age and quality start at a hundred years". What if one's end was a month or a year tOO late ? Where does he belong, with the ancient poets, or those whom the present and posterity whould spurn ? "Well, we can decently reckon among the ancients one who is just a month or a whole year younger". Thank you for yOut permission: bit by bit I pluck the horse's tail, hair after hair, till the dilemma of the "s inking heap" floors those who burrow in records to judge merit and admire only what graveyards consecrate. Ennius, noble and profound, "a second Homer", to the critics, seems not to worry what the dream which claims he reincarnates his model comes to. Is Naevius not in everyone's hands and hearts , as good as new I So sacred are old poems. When their standings are discussed, Pacuvius is dubbed most polished, Accius most sublime , Afranius' Roman costumes fit ·Menander, Plaut us bustles along like Epicharmus, Caecilius is grandest, Terence subtlest. These writers mighty Rome learns up and watches squashed into the theatre ; these it countS its poets from Livius' time down to our own . Sometimes the public sees straight, but not always. If this passion for old poets means it believes there are none better or eq ual, it is wrong. If it thinks its heroes now and then archaic, and sometimes rough, it grants they're often slack, it sides with sense and me, and God is with it.

(46) 66 80 90 100 110 Epistles 2. 1 Epistles. 2. 1 I do not hound down Livius, or want his work burned (I recall Orbili us, that great caner, dictati ng him at school); but how can they think him correct, artistic , all but perfec tly finished? If here and there a choice word flashes Out, if a line or two is slightl y neater than most, it drags the whole work with it into the book-s hops. I fume when someth ing's criticiz ed not because it 's crudel y or harshly writte n , but recentl y, when praise , and not indulg ence, is sough t for the ancien ts. If I doubte d Atta's plays should stroll flat-footed on our flowered stage, most of the old would cry 'There 's no respect these days!", when I tried to blame what grand Aesopus or subtle Roscius acted: either they only approv e of what they like or they will not obey their juniors , g rant in old age that what they learnt as stripli ngs should be scrapp ed. The admire r of the chant of Numa 's priesth ood who tries to pass, where he shares my ignora nce, for the sole expert , does not applau d the dead and buried , but shoots enviou sly at us. But had the Greeks loathed novelt y as we do , what would now be old for the genera l public to read in private and to thumb to tatters ? When Greece had put away war for childis h things and welfare levelled the path of her decline , she fell in love with athleti cs and with racing , doted on work in marble , ivory, bronze , pinned her gaze and her whole heart on paintin g, revelled in instrum entalis ts or actOrs like a baby girl in the nurser y, grabbe d a toy with glee, but was soon satisfied and droppe d it. Such were the blessings of peace and of fair winds. At Rome, it was long men's practic e and their pleas ure ants, to receive at home from dawn, advise depend name, good a by d to dole Out loans secure to hear the elders, tell the young how capital could be increased and costly whims Cut down. The fickle people change d their habits , now their only passion 's writin g; boys and stern fathers dine and dictate with laurels On their brows . 120 130 140 150 67 I tOO , who swear I am not wrltln g , faithless as a Parthi an am up before the sun calling for my equipm ent, pen and paper. Land-l ubbers shun the helm , only an expert dares prescri be to the sick, surgeo ns profess surger y, metal- worke rs work in metal: skilled and unskil led alike, we all write poems . But look at the virtues of the aberra tion, this mild form of madne ss. A bard is not a money -grubb er; his only love is verse. He laughs off losses, runaw ay slaves and fires, he would never do down a partne r or a ward, he lives on bean-p ods and black bread , an idle and worthl ess soldier , but useful to his countr y if you grant that great affairs can be helped by small ones. The poet mould s our tender , fumbli ng lips in childh ood, tweaks our ears away from smut; later he shapes our hearts with kind advice, corrects our roughn ess, envy and bad tempe r, records good deeds, suppli es the age with models from the past, consoles the poor and the despon dent. How would the choirs of virgin girls and boys learn to sing prayer s, if the Muse had made no bards? They call for help , they feel the godhea d's presence , they beg for rain with prayers that art has sweete ned , keep off plague s, drive away grave danger , secure both peace and autum ns rich in fruit. Heave n and underw orld are appeased by song. The sturdy farmers of old, happy and poor, when after harves t-home they refreshed their bodies and hearts, sustain ed by though ts of the holida y, with their childre n who had helped and faithfu l wives, offered a pig to the Earth, milk to Silvanus, flowers and wine to the Sharer of life 's brief joys. From this practic e flowed a form of licensed insult in which uncou th remark s were exchan ged in verse. Such freedo m of speech , welcom e once a year, was a likeabl e game, until the fun rurned savage, bared its teeth and prowle d throug h noble houses unchec ked. Those whose blood it had drawn felt sore, and even those whom it had left unscat hed

(47) 68 160 170 180 190 Epistles 2 . 1 Epistles 2 . 1 were concerned for the common good; indeed , a law and sanctions were set up precluding poets from personal abuse. They changed their tune, for fear of the st~ck, turned pleasant and well-spoken. The capture of Greece tOok her brutish victor captive and civilized rustic Latium . Thus the crude Saturnian verse ran Out, good taste expelled the smell of muck; and yet for years the traces of tusticity remained, and still remain. For it was late when they trained their minds on Greek: at peace. after the Punic wars, they started to see what the tragedians could teach them. They tried their hand at composing tOo, and well, in their own eyes; to soar came naturally , they had inspiration and a happy boldness but also a foolish horror of crossing out. Comedy, since it draws on common life, is thought to need less sweat; but it's the harder for deserving less allowances. Take Plaut us he plays the part of the amorous young man, the tight-fisted father or wily pimp , he clowns in the great line of comic spongers, he bustles across the boards with his shoes flapping. For his aim's to fill his purse, and after that , he's not concerned if his play stands up or falls. When a man sails to the stage in Ambition 's car, dull audiences make him sag and keen ones swell him; if hearts are greedy for applause , they're crushed or revived by so little. Not drama, thanks, if I'm to be wasted by failure or puffed with laures~ Often the boldest poet can be routed when he sees superior numbers - worthless people, uncultured boors , ready to fight it Out if their betters disagree - demand in mid-play a bear or boxers (that's what thrills the mob). But enjoyment has fled from even their betters ' ears to that dubious judge, the eye, and empty pleasures. The back-drop stays in place for a good four hours while troops of footmen or cavalry stampede; then glorious kings are dragged along in manacles, chariots, carriages, waggons, ships strain past 200 210 220 230 69 r ~ d ivory, all the loot from Corinth . wi th captu If Democritus returned to earth , he'd laugh when a crossbred mixture of a panther with a camel or a white elephant turned the public's heads; he would watch the audience closer than the show as a far richer source of entertainment; but the playwrights he would think were wasting words on a stOne-deaf ass. What voice can overcome our reverberating theatres? You would think Garganus' woods or the Tuscan sea were rearing; such is the noise that greets the show with its exotic trappings; when an actOr enters bedizened with them, right and left hand clash . "Has he spoken yet?" No, no. "What 's pleased them, then?" The dye that stains his cloak with bogus violets. And do not think that I am mean with praise when others succeed where I refuse to try: to me, he's nothing short of a tight-rope walker, the poet who wrings my heart with empty sorrows, stirs, soothes, fills it with false terrors like a wizard, and transports me to Thebes or Athens . But there are also those who confide in readers rather than be scorned by the proud spectatOr: spare them a moment, if you wish Apollo's library to be filled as it deserves and to spur our bards to fresh efforts in the race for leafy Helicon . We poets are often our worst enemies (to hack at my own vines): when we show you books, though you are preoccupied or tired; when we take offence at a friend who dares object to one single verse; when we unroll our unsolicited encores; when we lament that our labours, fine-spun webs of poetry , have simply gone unnoticed; when we hope it will come to the point that as soon as you know we are practising poets, you kindly send for us, cast out our poverty and drive us into writing . But it's as well to ask what sort of attendant merit in peace and war should have for its temple; for it must not be put in the hands of unworthy poets. The great king Alexander had a taste for Choerilus, whose misbegotten verses

(48) 70 240 250 260 270 Epistles 2. 1 were credited to him in the royal coinage. But just as handling ink leaves stains or blots, so writers tend to smudge resplendent deeds with dull poems . The very king who bought such laughable work at such an extravagant price decreed that no-one but Apelles paint, and no-one but Lysippus cast a likeness of the mighty Alexander's face. But ask that fine and subtle judge of the visual arts gift to men to pronounce on books, the M~se' you'd swear he sprang from the Boeotian fog. But your good judgement and your benefactions (a credit to the giver) are not disgraced by those poets you loved so well, Virgil and Varius: nor do bronze portrait-busts bring Out more clearly the character and spirit of great men than the bard 's work. And I should nOt prefer my earthbound causeries to epic deeds, strange lands and rivers, fortresses set up on mountain-tops, exotic kingdoms, wars waged throughout the world under your standards , Janus, keeper of peace, locked in his temple, and Rome dreaded by Parthia in your reign, if my powers matched my wishes: but your greatness allows no minor poems, and my modesty dares not attempt a theme I could not sustain. A service pressed on those we admire ineptly smothers them - most of all in the shape of verse; for men more readily memorize what makes them laugh than what they approve of and revere. I have no time for a favour that weighs me down, nor do I want myself exhibited as a waxen head or graced by shoddy verses; I'd blush at so gross a tribute, find myself cased with my author, coffined, carted down to the back-streets where they peddle balm and spice and everything that's draped in misused paper. NOTES Epistles 2. 1 n 15 - 17 . Altars to the genius (see below on line 144) of Augustus were set up in Rome from 12 B.C, which dates this poem to the end of Horace's life (he died in 8 B.C) . The phrasing echoes Odes 4.5.34-6 but the praise of Augustus is here subordinate to the poet's moral point. 24 . The Twelve Tables, of which fragments sutvive in quotations, were the oldest Roman code of law. 45 -7. Horace alludes not only to the logical dilemmas of the "bald man" and the "heap" (see introduction), but also to a story preserved in Plutarch, Life of Sertorius 8. Sertorius, to raise the morale of Rome's allies, did as follows. He called an assembly and had twO horses brought in, one old and weak, the other big and powerful. By the old one he put a strong man, by the other a weak man. He gave a signal, and the strong man began to tug at his horse's tail to pull it off, while the weak man simply plucked his horse's tail hair by hair. Sertorius then got up and said, "See how much more effective persistence is than force ". 50-5 5. Ennius (see on Epistles 1. 19.7) in the proem to his Annals recounted a dream in which Homer appeared and revealed that his own soul had entered the Latin poet's by transmigration. The meaning of Horace's words is delightfully complex and malicious . Ennius is a careless poet who does not worry about making good the grandiose claims that began his work; and yet he need not worry about his present fame either, since an even older and more unpolished writer, Naevius , is so revered. Further: Ennius claimed to be a . reincarnation of Homer and the founder of Roman literatute; and yet his predecessor Naevius (whom he criticized in Annals VII) is still read and respected. In that sense toO Ennius does nOt worry about his claims: he lets them go in favout of his even cruder senior. 53-62. Naevius floutished in the last third of the third centuty B.C He wrOte tragedies, comedies and an epic on the First Punic War. Pacuvius (c.220-132 B .C) and Accius (c. 170-90 B.C) were principally tragedians . Afranius (born c.150 B.C) was a famous exponent of the fab ula togata, comedy with an Italian setting: Menander

(49) Epistles 2.1 72 Epistles 2. 1 (c.342 -290 B. C) was the undisp uted master of Attic New Comed y, the founta in-hea d of the later Europe an comedy of manne rs. Plautu s (died c.183 B.C), like Terence (died 159 B.C.) and Caecilius (died 168 B.C.), practised the /abztfa palliata, comed y with a Greek setting. Epicha rmus, a Sicilia n active in the first quarte r of the fifth centur y B. c., wrote mimes which were often though t in antiqu ity to be the basis of Attic comedy. Livius, a slightl y older contem porary of Naeviu s, an adapta tion of the Odyssey and traged ies: he wro~e was genera lly taken to be the founde r of Latin literature. "God is with it" means "it is in its right mind" ; there 68. is also an allusio n to the god Augus tus, who mocke d archaism . Atta (died 78 B.C.), whose name or nickna me · means 79. "flat-footed ", was a practit ioner of the /abztfa togata. An ancien t comm entary says that one of his plays contained a long lis t of flower-names: this , if ttue, gives an extra point to Horace 's phrasi ng. Aesopus was the most famous tragic, Roscius the most 82. famous comic, actor of the mid-fi rst centur y B.C. at Rome . priesth ood of Salii was founde d by Numa , the secThe 86. ond king of Rome. Their chant surviv ed to Augus tan times, but by then was barely intelli gible to the ordinary reader. 93 - 107Horace's accoun t of the develo pment of Greek culture after the Persian wars is based on Aristo tle, Politics 8.6. But Horace is more sweep ing and more mocki ng about it: that goes with his doubts about the moral value of poetry in this Epistle as a whole. At the same time, his account of the old Roman way of life makes it look narrow, however uprigh t: Horace is no mere purita n. 139-76Horace 's history of Latin poetry is ultima tely based on accounts of the develo pment of Greek drama , includ ing Aristo tle's in the Poetics; it also draws on Roman evidence (the Twelv e Tables contai ned a provis ion agains t defama tory songs). It is not particu larly accura te, but its purpos e is to state a genera l thesis rather than a fact 143. 144. 158. 177. 194. 195. 210. 216. 247. 255. 73 of Roman history : that the practic e of poetry tends to go with moral laxity. Silvanus was a rustic god, the guardi an of bound aries. The "Sharer" (genius) is the life-sp irit of a man, associated, as here, with his natura l appeti tes. The Saturn ian , used . by Livius and Naeviu s, was the oldest Latin metre , and perhap s the only one nOt derived from Greek . In the Attic festival of the Panath enaia the robe offered to the goddes s Athen a was borne in procession in a ship-li ke waggo n, dispos ed so as to have the appearance of a sail. Horace develops his metap hor with typical ingenu ity in the next twO lines. For Demo critus, see on Epistles 1.1. 12. He was nicknamed the "laugh ing philos opher" in antiqu ity because of his ethical ideal of cheerf ul detach ment . i.e. a giraffe. Tight- rope walkers were one of the distrac tions Roman drama tists had to conten d with, like those describ ed in lines 182-20 7 (see Terenc e, Hecyra 4,34): that is another thing that makes Horace 's tribute to the traged ian's virtuo sity here highly ambig uous. For Apollo 's library see on Epistles 1. 3. 17. Varius , who edited the Aeneid after Virgil' s death, is praised as an epic poet in Satires 1.10.4 3 f. and Odes 1. 6.1 ff. The closing of the temple of Janus signified that peace had been establi shed throug hout the empire : this happened in 29 B.C. for the first time since 235 B .C. Horace 's over-e mphat ic langua ge exalts this achievement; but it is also slightl y comic, and indeed the whole descrip tion of the imagin ed epic leaves us doubting wheth er an encom ium of that kind could be the good poem we are lookin g for (cf. Satires 2. 1. 12 - 15). And if Horace echoes the public poems of his own Odes 4 in lines 251 -6, that only serves to remind us that odes are far from epic, and epistles far from both.

(50) 74 Epistles 2.2 Epistles 2.2 EPISTLE 2 The letter, like Epistles 1. 3, is addres sed to Florus . The whole is, in a sense, like Epistles 1. 1 and 1. 7, an excuse and an apolog y, for not writin g poetry and for not replyin g to his friend: it charac teristic ally combi nes rueful candou r with moral aspirat ions, satire and self-m ockery with high serious selling man a Like ness. Horace begins with two compa risons. a slave, while pluggi ng his wares, he has covered himse lf by not hiding their most obviou s fault: he has warned Florus of his laziness as a writer. Again , like the soldier who was brave only because poor, now that his purse is full, he has no spur s to compo sition. Both compa risons set poetry in a dubiou light. For in the first, the young slave's artistic gifts are trivial both in themse lves and in compa rison with his failure in his duties; the second means that poetry for Horace has been .only a way of makin g money . Moreo ver, he cannot , as we soon learn, lay claim to valour in battle as the soldier could, whatever his motive s. Nor is there yet any alterna tive to wri ting: if the reader expect ed what he says of his youth in Athen s to lead to the conclu sion "I am now return ing to my first love, philoso phy ", he is disapp ointed . Florus is offered merely more excuses for not writin g: the passag e of the years, the difficulty of satisfy ing the public 's diverg ent tastes , the distutbanc es of life in the city . At line 87 Horace turns to critici sm of poets and their work. If JUSt before they were taken to be lovers of rural leisure, they now emerg e as no less vain and ambiti ous than twO city-dwellers and profess ional men, the rhetori cian and the lawyer; and Horace , like it or lump it, is one of them as long as he is writin g. Their recitat ions, the main way of public izing verse in Rome at the time, are describ ed, as in Epistles 1. 19, as a mixtur e of gladia torial comba t and elector al canvassing. The ttue poet, on the other hand, is like a censor prepar ing the roll of the senate ; his scrutin y of words is in effect a moral as much as an aesthe tic busine ss. But at line 124 a the metap hor change s abrupt ly: he is like a mere artiste, The r. dancer going throug h one comic routin e after anothe story of the Argive carries this line of argum ent further . The it poet is compa red now not to a perfor mer but to a specta tor: is ted castiga Horace which vanity that emerges that perhap s 75 what enable s him to live with himse lf and his fellow -men. Does i:he delusio n matter ? The answe r "yes" foll ows at once in line 140: "under standi ng", which to the Argive brough t merely pain and resent ment, is, at its best, wisdom . That is what takes us s, away both from amiab le folly and snarlin g consci ousnes abanmeans it But makes us "kinde r and better" (line 211). doning poetry for "philo sophy . . . the greate st music" (Plato, Phaedo 61 A). The rest of the poem , then , casts off irony and evasiveness; the writer 's "excuse" is in the end his search for goodne ss. Lines 145 -2 04 are directe d agains t avarice . This is not of becaus e that is Horace 's vice, but becaus e it is a paradi gm Hor1): 1. Satires (cL ess human discon tent and moral weakn ace's advice to himsel f, as in Epistles 1. 1, is advice to m ankind. And it is a kind of greed which motiva tes all those who threate n him or his like in the poem : first Florus , and then the querul ous buyer, [he eager genera l, the fussy public , the 's deman ding friends , the ambiti ous poets , even the Argive relativ es who "wrenc h" his dream from him. In contra st to all these stands the poet himsel f, in so far as he breaks free of the pressu res he feels: earthil y self-in tereste d, like the soldier , or blissfu lly delude d, like the Argive . But if he merely avoids such pressu res, he is a figure of fun, as those compa risons indicate: likewi se the writer who retires to Athen s, the "true , follow er of Bacchu s" or the mimic dancer . The poet, then his only s cannOt really be the "censo r" if his criticis m regard vocabu lary; but if it is to regard himse lf, then he must give up his art. Moreo ver, there is a pressu re which touche s him more nearly and more profou ndly than the others: the years are trying to "wrenc h" poetry from him (line 57) . This a though t, in its immed iate contex t a mere subter fuge, gains ding impen where poem, wider signifi cance at the end of the death is both the deterr ent to avarice and incent ive to right living. On that grave nOte Horace 's greate st poem ends. EPISTLE 2 Florus , loyal aide to our noble prince , if someo ne offered you a slave-b oy born in a backw ater, and gave you a line like this:

(51) 76 10 20 30 40 Epistles 2.2 Epistles 2.2 "He's a fair-skinned lad, a beauty tOp to tOe, and yours for a mere eight thousand sesterces. Home-bred, obedient to his master's nod, with a dash of Greek, and good for any craft you care to name - damp clay in your hands . A singer too, untrained, but nice at table. Credit goes short weight if claims are heaped too high for merchandise, to palm it off. I may be poor, but I've no debt to shoulder. No dealer would make you this bargain; nor would I for everyone. Once he shirked and hid under the stairs (you know the way it is) for fear of the strap" you would pay, if you accepted the escape-clause; and he would fear no fine as he tOok the money . You knew they were faulty goods, the terms were clear: can you run after him now with a long-drawn law-suit ? I tOld you when you left that I was a slacker and hardly fit for such duties, to avoid a dressing-down when no letter answered yours. What was the good, if you try to sue me now in a case that 's in my favor? You grumble too that I cheated you of the poems you expected. A soldier once, while snoring flat on his back, lost the savings that his labours had collected to the last penny. Then angry with himself and the enemy, fierce as a wolf with ravenous fangs, he threw the king's men, so the stOry goes, from a place well fortified and crammed with wealth . The deed obtained him honour, decorations and twenty thousand sesterces in cash. Soon afterwards the general, who was eager to StOrm some fort, began to egg him on with words that would give even a coward courage: "Onward, man, to where glory calls you, onward; good luck. Your valour will be well rewarded ... What is it ?" He replied with untutored shrewdness : '''Onward', indeed! Sure - when I've lost my purse. " It was in Rome that I g rew up and learned what woes Achilles' wrath brought on the Greeks. Kind Athens gave me a bit more education , the wish to tell oblique from straight in ethics so 70 80 77 and search in the groves of Academe for truth . But hard times tOre m e from the place I loved, and the waves of civil war swept me to battle, a raw recruIt, to yield to Caesar's might. When Philippi had given me my discharge, and put me down, wings clipped, without suppOrt from the family farm, the insolence of poverty drove me to verse; but now that I've more than enough , what drugs could ever purge my fevered brain if I did not think sleep preferable to writing? The years go by, robbing us bit by bit: they have taken girls and parties and amusements; they now wrench poetry from me: what can I do ? And then, not everyone goes for the same thing . You want odes, he epodes, and a third the coarse salt of satiric diatribe. You are like three g uests whose palates disagree , whose diverse tastes require quite different dishes. What menu can I make when you refuse what the other orders, and they loathe your choice' Apart from anything else, how can I write with all the stress and business of the city ? To stand sec uri ty, attend a reading, I must "drop everything" ; and there are visits to ailing friends on opposite sides of Rome. A manageable distance! "But the streets are clear; you can get on with it in your head". Contractors puff along with mules and porters, a huge crane lets fly with a block or beam , grave funerals meet and g rapple with great waggons, a mad dog bolts, a muddy pig charges: you try and warble verses in your head! Writers love woods and loathe the tOwn, they seek, true followers of Bacchus, sleep and shade: yet with all that night-long, day-long noise you want me to sing and walk the poet's narrow path? One who takes up a vacant lot in Athens, retires for seven years till he goes grey over his books and papers, may emerge dumb as a starue and shake the public's sides: can I, in the surge and thunder of the capital ,

(52) 78 90 100 110 120 Epistles 2.2 weave words ro stir the music of the lyre? There were once at Rome two brothers, rherorician and lawyer, whose exchanges were all praise, "You're a Gracchus! " capped by "You're a Scaevola! " It's that same madness that afflicts our songsters. I turn om odes, he elegies: how beautiful! what craftsmanship! engraved by all nine Muses! First see how, big with pride in our own labour, we eye the empty niches in the library. Now, if you've time, come closer in and hear what we endure and how we weave our garlands. We wear each other down like gladiators in a lingering contest that drags on till dusk. At last he votes me Alcaeus; and I him? Callimachus, of course; or if that's roo slight inflation, then I let him be Mimnermus. The things I endure to appease those rouchy poets, when I'm writing and canvassing my public! Bm when my work is done and my wits restored, I'll plug my ears, and let them read unscathed. Bad ones are laughed at; bm they still love writing, adore themselves and, greeted by a silence, blissfully lavish praise on their own creations. Bm one who seeks to work ro the laws of art will use his pen in the spirit of a censor. Words that lack lustre or carry no weight, that seem unworthy of their position, he'll not flinch from striking off, although they leave reluctantly and still frequent the shrine where the people worship. He will unearth ones long unknown to it, and bring to light that fine vocabulary, indited once by our greatest orators, now left ro mouldy and mis-shapen age. He will also admit new ones usage fathered. Forceful and clear, like an untai~d stream , he will nourish and enrich his native tongue. He will prune rank growths, make rough places smooth withom over-cultivation, root out weaklings: he will twist with an air of ease, like a dancer miming first a satyr, and then the clumsy Cyclops. I'd rather be thought insane or inept as a writer Epistles 2.2 79 as long as my faults please, or at least elude me, than understand and snarL There was once an Argive who thought he was watching great performances, 130 cheerfully sat and clapped, in an empty theatre; otherwise, he was a model citizen, the very best of neighbors, a friendly host, a considerate husband and a rolerant master who did not go out of his mind at an opened wine-jar; nor was he one ro fall down cliffs and wells. When thanks to his docrors and his family's help . he had routed the disease with a host of drugs . and come rohimself, hesaid: "Damn it, friends, I'm done for , not saved; you've wrenched my pleasure from me, forced me 140 to shed the delusion that was my delight. " In fact it is understanding that we need, not jokes: we should leave children's games ro children , not hunt for words ro set ro the Latin lyre , but tune our hearts to the harmonies of goodness. And so I repeat to myself in silent thought: if no amount of liquid quenched your thirst , you'd tell a doctor: when the more you get the more you want, do you not dare confess it? ISO if you had a wound that the rOOt or herb prescribed failed ro relieve, you'd scrap that root or herb as a useless remedy; if someone rold you that kinks and follies go when money comes , and you found you were no wiser for feeling fuller, would you continue then with the same consultant? But if wealth were able ro make you rational , cut down your greed and fear, you'd surely blush if you were not the world's most grasping miser. If ownership'S transferred by mancipation, some rights, the lawyers say, are acquired by use: 160 the land you live offs yours, and your neighbor's slave , when he hoes the soil that in time will yield you grain, takes you as master. You pay cash and get grapes, chickens ' eggs, a jar of wine, till you purchase by instalments the farm once bought for a good three hundred thousand sesterces. What does it matter when you paid for food ? The buyer of a plot of land has bought

(53) 80 170 180 190 200 Epistles 2.2 Epistles 2.2 his supper of greens , whatev er he thinks , and bough t the logs that heat his POt on chilly nights . Yet he calls it his to where the firm line of poplar s has fled from litigat ion - as if anythi ng were owned that, a pin-po int in time's movin g pattern , by gift , sale, force, or at last by death, can pass into the hands of a new master . Since, then, nothin g is held in perpet uity, and heir climbs over heir like wave on wave, what good are manor s, barns and pastur es stretch ing throug h Lucania and Calabr ia, if Death , the incorru ptible, reaps great and small? Jewels , statues , ivories, figurines, paintin gs, silver and fabrics dyed in Moori sh purple some do not have these things , some do not want them. Why one prefers a sleek and idle life to Herod 's palm-g roves and their oil, his brothe r, rich, fierce, unben ding, works all day taming with fire and steel his piece of backw oods, concerns the god who accom panies our birth-s tar and rules it, who is what mortal men are, and whose face varies for each of us from fair to foul. I'll take from my modes t fortun e what I need, not caring what my heir will think of me when he gets no more than I did; I will also try to make Out the discord that divide s good cheer from riotous living, thrift from meann ess. It is not the same as squand ering your money , to be ready to spend withou t strivin g after more and snatch , as a boy does his spring holida y, the scrap of time that makes . your happin ess. As long as squalid povert y keeps her distanc e, the size of my boat will make no odds to me. Fair winds don't swell my sails and force my pace, nor does my life drag when they are agains t me . In streng th and brains , looks and merit, wealth and status, I'm last of the first, but still before the last. You are no miser: fine. But have other faults JUSt fled with that one? Are you devoid of empty ambiti on? Of dread and rage at the though t of death? Dream s, visitat ions, bogeys, wi tches, ghosts , 210 81 enchan tments , can you laugh at all of them? Do you count your birthd ays gratefu lly? Bear with friends? Grow kinder and better as old age draws nearer ? What good is it to uproot one single weed? If you can't live well, make way for better men. You have played enoug h, you have eaten and drunk enough : Go now, for fear your tipsine ss provid e a butt for those whose frolics fit their age. NOTE S 89. C. Gracch us (died 121 B.C.) was the most famous orator of his time, as well as a radical politic ian. P. Mucius Scaevola (consul in 133 B.C.) was a disting uished Junst. 99- 101Alcaeus (cf. l.19 . 29) was Horace 's model in the Odes: Callim achus (c. 305-24 0 B .C.), the Alexan drian poet , was above all Proper tius'; Mimn ermus (see on l.6.65 ) was taken to be the founde r of elegiac poetry . These lines do not imply any literary feud betwee n Horace and Proper tius: Horace is mocki ng his own preten sions as a lyric poet as much as the elegist 's. 158-9. Mancipatio was in Roman law a formal transfer of property: it was marke d by a symbo lic ceremo ny in which the buyer struck a scales (libra) with a coin (aes) , which he then gave to the seller. But proper ty could also be acquir ed by use (usucapio). The kind of acquis ition Horace goes on to describ e is, of course, purely metaphoric al. 183-9. The "god" is the genius (see on Epistles 2 . l. 144), here interpr eted in philos ophica l and astrological terms as the repres entatio n of a man's soul and the compa nion of his birth-s tar. Horace is saying , in essence, "some people are more graspi ng and some more prodig al , because differe nt people have differe nt nature s"; and this avoids any hint of self-co ngratu lation in his descrip tion of his choice of life. But the charac teristic ally subde phrasi ng adds much to the though t. The genius is divine , but also mortal , it can be fair, but also foul, it accom panies our birth-s tar but also contro ls it. These

(54) 82 Epistles 2.2 qualiti es are contra dictory like those of the twO brothers. The idler likes to be sleek, but does not care for the palm-g roves with all their oil; the rich man is fierce, but tames or civilizes his wood with fire and steel (which are norma lly though t of as laying waste). So not only do men contra st with each other, they carry contra sts just as sharp within themselves; and that lies in the ir very nature , to bring these conflicts into a Qarmony (cf. lines 144, 193). Here, as always, Horace's middle way, describ ed in lines 190 ff., is much more than a flaccid compr omise; and it renews the PlatOnic ideal of self-un ificatio n (Republic 443d- e, 621c, etc.), which is also behind Epistles l. 3.29 and 1. 18. 10 1. HORACE THE EPISTLES APPE NDIX Remar ks and Notes on Epistles i. 1, 3, 9, and 14. q ~

(55) Epistles 2.2 82 qualiti es are contra dictory like those of the twO brothers. The idler likes to be sleek, but does not care for the palm-groves with all their oil; the rich man is fierce, but tames or civilizes his wood with fire and steel (which are norma lly though t of as laying waste). So not only do men contra st with each other, they carry contrasts just as sharp within themselves; and that lies in their very nature , to bring these conflicts into a qarmony (cf. lines 144, 193). Here, as always, Horace's middle way, describ ed in lines 190 ff., is much more than a flaccid compr omise; and it renews the Platonic ideal of self-un ificatio n (Republic 443d-e , 621c, etc.), which is also behind Epistles 1. 3.29 and HORACE THE EPISTLES APPE NDIX Remar ks and Notes on Epistles i. 1, 3, 9, and 14. 1.18.1 01. ~ ----- ... ~

(56) Remar ks & Notes: l.1 85 REMA RKS ON EPISTLE l.1 The book and poem begin with a refusal: Horace tells Maecenas he will not return to poetry ; his concer n is now philos ophy. Such refusals are comm on in Augus tan poetry ; usually one kind of verse - epic, cosmology or high themes lyric, pastora l, elegy, or low is rejecte d for anothe r themes (cf Nisbet -Hubb ard on Od. 1. 6, pp. 81-3). This is a st riking refusal because, parado xically , it means rejecti ng verse altoge ther (0). One might compa re Plato's attack on writin g in the Phaedrzts: what emerge s from the parado x is that this work goes beyond the norma l limits of "litera ture" to tOuch directl y the reader 's or the writer' s life and souL At the same time, the phrasi ng of line 12 (see nOte on condo et compono) shows Horace clearly aware of still being a poet; but his poetry is now design ed to "put down" provisions for living better. Howev er, Horace is only a beginn er. He claims freedom in his choice and use of philos ophers 03-15 ), juSt as he claime d freedom from his former activit ies. But such freedom, in his case, entails inconsistency: impati ent to get on with the job, by the same tOken he is not yet doing so . (Likewise, he has not really or fully abando ned poetry for philos ophy.) Thus the bulk of the poem consists in "eJementary precep ts" designed to "comf ort and guide" him in this awkwa rd and unsatisfactOry condit ion. * There follows a "protr eptic," or exhort ation to philoso phy" which echoes themes typical of that SOrt *These develo p in such a way as to includ e a genera l criticis m of folly. Only at 97 do we clearly return to Horace and Maecenas. Rides there, echoin g ride in 91, bridge s the tranSI(10n. ··The protre ptic is already a type of discourse familia r to Plafamous exto (Eztthd. 275a) and [Isocrates} ,0.3). The most nts editfragme ntial substa (its ample is AristOtle's Protrepticzts Horace 1961). urg Goeteb g, ed with comm entary by L Duerin as a ent argum of line echoes this work (43-8, 49- 52); but his philoso nts whole is very differe nt. Where as AristOtle represe it sees phy as somet hing inspiri ng and deligh tful, Horace rather as animi medicina (Cic. Tim·. 3.6), the "treatm ent" we

(57) 86 of writing, but is unusual in being addressed not only to the world at large, but to the writer himself, who is as much in need and confusion as others are. It is better than nothing to progress up to a point (28-42), and the effort· we spend on false goals should be directed to the search for goodness; but money and status are what men persist in seeking (53 -69). Horace stands apart from these errOts of "the people" (70). In any case, they are inconsistent; different men have very different ambitions (70-80), and even individuals cannot stick to one aim (81-93).. This theme takes us back to Horace · as we saw him at the beginning of the poem: the man who rejected the world's inconsistency is himself inconsistent (97-100). We now also come back to Maecenas, who is inconsistent toO; he is twitted for laughing at Horace's oddities of dress, grumbling over his ill-cut fingernails, but cheerfully conniving at his inward confusion. At the same time, Horace expresses his gratitude to his patron and his dependence on him (105): his aspirations to philosophy do not mean denying his genuine attachments. Finally, he sums up by representing the ideal of the perfect sage, but in such a way that we also see clearly how perfection is more than a man can hope to attain (106-8; cf. 28-42). NOTES 1. Remarks & Notes : 1. 1 Remarks & Notes: 1. 1 The opening is a flattering form of address, already known from Homer, Iliad 9.96-7, "Agamemnon, I shall end with you and start from you": cf. H.H.Ap. 21. 3-4; Theognis 1-4; Theoe. 17.3-4; Polybius 31.24.3; Virgo Ed. 8.11. The phrase is true of Horace's poetic production so far: Satires I, like the Epodes and Odes 1-3, begins with an address to Maecenas; it is also true of Epistles I which, if. we count Ep. 20 as an epilogue, begins and ends with Maecenas. And this poem itself comes back to Maecenas at the end (lOS), in tones of respect and gratitude . need for our normal folly and weakness. In general on protreptics, see P. Hartlich, De exhortationtt1n a Graecis Romanisqzte scriptorum historia et indole (Leipzig 1889). .., ). 4- 5. 5. 6. 7. 8-9. 87 ludo in the fi rst instance = "gladiatorial school". W riting poetry is also often ludere in Latin (cf. OLD s.v. ludo 8a). Like lztdicra in 10, this word brings out sharply the contrast between poetry, a mere amusement, and philosophy, the giver of inner health. . Veianius was clearly a famous gladiator; he has hung up his arms in the temple of Hercules, a natural patron for a gladiator, in token of his retirement: cf. the soldier of Anth. Pal. 6.178 (Hegesippus). latet abditzts agro: perhaps an echo of Epicurus' famous dicrum "live in secret" lathe biosas, fr. 551 Usener). Epicurus also said that the wise man would be a "country-lover" (philagresein, fr. 570). Cf. Ep. 7; 10; 14; 17.10; 18.104- 12. A defeated gladiator had to beg the spectators, from the edge of the arena, for his life; thus we know of one FIamma who had to do so four times (ClL X.7297). Horace the poet is tired of seeking popular favour (19.37). Gladiatorial imagery recurs in Epp. I at 9.9-13, 19.45-50, where it conveys Horace's distaste for anything vulgar or public; in Ep. 2.2.95-8, poets' recitations in Rome, where mutual flattery conceals bitter rivalry, are compared to gladiatorial shows . Socrates' guardian spirit (daimonion) toO is a "voice" (PI. Apol. 31d); for Plutarch (Mor . 780d), a wise ruler has an inner voice which exhorts him to do his duty; cf. Sen. Ep. 94.59. pztrgatam ... aurem: perpurigatis. .. auribtts is a colloquial phrase for "attentively" (Plaut. M.G. 774). "Clean ears" are also the sign of acumen and judgement: Prop. 2.13.12; "the seal of Posidippus" line 2, ed . H. Lloyd-Jones, }.H.S. 83 (1963) 75-99 and his note (pp. 81-2); Arr. Epict. 2.24.12; Plue. Mor. 38a. "Turn loose the ageing horse in good time (mature), while you have the use of your wits (sanus), for fear he make himself ridiculous by stumbling at the end and dragging his flanks". The poet Ennius (Ann. 374 = Cie. Cato 14) compared himself to a horse which has often won at Olympia and now enjoys a peaceful old age: Horace, with character-

(58) 88 Remar ks & Notes: 1. 1 istic self-irony, adapts the compa rison to his own condition. verstts "poetr y" tout court, not lyric poetry . On the para10. dox that results , see Introd . The same parado x figures in Epistles 2 (1.111 -3; 2.22 ff., 51 ff.). condo et compono "1 lay down and stOre up": for this 12. metap hor used of philos ophic precep ts, see [Isoc. } 1.44; Plur. Mor. 454a. Bur both verbs are also regularly used of "comp osing" poetry ; compono furthe r draws attenti on to itself by echoin g, antithe tically , po no (10): for such word-p lay, cf. 1.92-3 ; 13.11- 12; Od. 1.20.3 ; G&R 26 (1979) 23-4 = Collected Essays 227-8. Anoth er remind er that Horace is still a poet even when he has gIven up poetry . 13 - 15. Horace is not bindin g himse lf to anyon e school of philoso phy. This goes natura lly with his wish to be free from his public ; and his positio n is simila r to that of the Acade my, which avoide d comm itment to dogmas: cf. Cic. Luctt/!. 8 hoc autem /iberiores et Jo/utiores Slt- mtlS, quod integra nobis est iudican di potestas nee ut omnia quae praescripta et quasi imperata sint dejendemttS necessitate · tli/a cogimur, nam ceteri primum ante tenentur adstricti quam quid esset optimum iudicare potuertmt . .. et ad quamcttmqzte sunt disciplinam quasi tempestate de/ati, ad eam tamqua m ad saxtt1?Z adhaeresczmt (cf. Fin. 5.15; Tttsc. 2.5; 5.33, 82). Bur this compa rIson also reveals pointe d and amusin g contra sts. The Acade mics are free, because they do nOt cling to a single school of though t, Onto which they have been "swep t by the stOrm" of life (quasi tempestate de/ati): Horac e tOO is free, bur he is also being swept by the stOrm from one school to anothe r (15); if detach ed, he is far from stable. Contra st also Arist. Protreptictts fr. 50 Duerin g. = lambli chus, Protr. ch. 10: the philos opher alone is truly good, b~cause, like a good helmsm an, he moors the princip les of his life (tOll biolt tas archas honna i) to lasting and eterna l objects , nature and God. qllo fare; philos ophica l schools are someti mes compa red t-Hub bard to "house holds" : cf. Od. 1.29.1 4 and Nisbe ad loc. 89 Remar ks & No tes: 1. 1 their owners: cf. e.g . Petron . · 117. The metap hor looks back to lines 1-6. 16-19 .The StOic school (16-17 ), and the Cyrenaic (18- 19), whose founde r Aristip pus was, represe nt the twO extremes of ancien t ethics : rigorou s pursui t of virtue and relaxed hedon ism. The Stoics believed that the philoso pher should take part in politic al life (e.g . Cic. Fin. 3.68); Horace can jocular ly represe nt even writin g a letter of comm endati on for a friend as "enter ing the fray" (9.11 n.). So line 16 is to be taken with a pinch of salt: behind it there is no more than the invisa negotia of 14.17 (cf. 2.2.65 -86; Sat. 2.6.23 -58). mersor . .. refabor . . .subitmgere conor: the lively variati on of metap hors brings our how incons istent and ineffectual Horace 's philos ophic strivin gs are. Contra st agi/is with mersor "I am overw helmed "; custos with satelles ("guar dian" with "hange r-on"); refabor with subillngere. For Aristi ppus, we do not master pleasu re by abstain 19. ing from it, but by enjoyi ng (chromenos) it, withou r letting it carry us away: so too the master of a ship or horse is nOt someo ne who does not use it (chromenos) bur who drives it when he wishes (fr. 55 Manne bach). The princip le is expressed in the story (Diog. Laert. 2.75) that when criticis ed for his relatio nship with the courte san Lais, he replied "1 possess her, not she me" (echo, ouk echomai). Horace echoes this phrase , as also the compa rison with a horse (subiungere). 20-26. What stOps Horace gettin g on with the job? Not Maecenas, who was only "trying " (2 qttaeris) to lure Horace back to poetry , bur the poet's own weakness, already appare nt in his veerin g from one school of though t to anothe r. Indeed , though he claime d he was now devote d to philos ophy, his attitud e is like that of the man who fails to comm it himse lf to living better, but just lets time slip by: cf. 2.40-3 , with, again, the metap hor of the river; also Epicut us fr. 204 Usene r (= Sent. Vat. 14); Sen. Ep. 1. 1-3. And if Horace 's impati ence is compa red to that of a tricked lover, a relucta nt labour er or an impati ent boy, that does not pur him in a very flatteri ng light. addictltS "bound ", as gladiatOrs were to

(59) 90 lenta: this correct ion seems necessary. The epithe ts that go with nox, dies and annus should either be all the same or all differe nt. For the corrup tion, cf. Ov. Fast. 2.722 where longas and lentas are varian ts; here it is natura lly caused by longa in the line above. opus debentibus: i.e. day-la bourer s. CZtstodia matrum: a child withou t a father remain ed In his mothe r's tutelage till he was fourtee n years old . 25 -26. Philosophy is good for all ages and condit ions of men: cf. Epicur us ap. Diog . Laert. 10.122 ; Diogen es ap. Diog . Laere 6.68. Simila r! y, Socrates approa ched "young and old . .. rich and poor" (PI. Apol. 30a, 33a-b; echoed in Arr. Epict. 3.1.20 ) . ego me ipse: i.e. in contra st to follow ing a school , or 27. schools , of philos ophic though t: Horac e is still only trying to prepar e himse lf to take up philos ophy. On addressing maxim s to onesel f for guidan ce and comfo rt, cf. 2.2.14 5; Sen. Ep. 27.2, 54 .6; Air. Epict. 1.1.25 ; Mare. Aur. 3.13, 4 . 3. 28-40. "It is still worth makin g some progre ss, even if you cannot go the whole way". Cf. Cie. Fin. 4 .64-6; Arr. Epict. 1.2 .37; 4 . 12.19; Sen. D evit. beat. 17; Galen, D e anim o morb. 15-16. The medica l metap hor remind s us how ancien t philos ophy is, as Cicero put it, animi medicina (Tusc. 3 . 1-6): the thoug ht goes back to Plato (see 34-5 n. , and e.g. R ep . 444d-e ). Lynceus : one of the Argon auts , who had pretern aturall y 28 . sharp eyes. Glyconis: a famous athlete ; cf. Anth. Pal. 6.692 (Anti30 . pater (?) "of Thessalonica). 34-5. An echo of Eur. Hipp. 478 (the Nurse to Phaedr a) eisin d' epodai kai logoi thelkterioi / phanesetai ti tesde pharmakon nosou ("Ther e are spells and magic charm s ; a cure for this disease will be found"). The compa rison of philosophical discourse to a spell (cf. piacula 36) brings Out its power to govern a man's inmos t self; it goes back to Plato , who also empha sises the need for repetit ion; see Phaedo 77e , 114d; Rep. 608a; Charm. 155e, etc; see also Plue Mor. 602 ff. 21. Remar ks & Notes: 1. 1 Remar ks & Notes: 1.1 37. 38. 39. 91 ter pure lecto . .. libello contin ues the image, since magical or relig ious actio ns or words, are typically done or spoken "thrice " (cf. Theoe . 2.43 and Gow ad loe.; Od . 3.22.3 : Sat. 2.1.7) , and require ritual purity ; pure, cf. 2.67. "Read ing a book" in this contex t implie s readin g a philos ophica l text: cf. 7. 12 . Such a readin g is naturaIl y intense and repeated: cf. Arr. Epict. 3.5. 11 , 24 .103; Sen. Ep. 4 5.1. A mator conveys a harshe r judgem ent than our "lover", since it stresses the eleme nt of lust: cf. Od. 3.4 .79; Cic. T usc. 4 .27 . mitescere "grow tamer, milder ". Horace is charac teristically cautio us and precise (cf. 6.1): likewise , lenire in expellere) , magnam morbi .. .partem in 35 (not mor34 (~Ot bum). Contra st the bolder claim of Seneca, D e ira 2.12.3 nulli sunt tam /eri ... ad/mctltS ut non discipli na perdomentur; cf. Ep . 50.6. The wordin g recalls Acci us fr. 684. cztltura e" cultiva tion" : cf. Cie. TltSc. 2. 13 cztltura azttem animi philosophia est ete. See furthe r 1. 14.4 n. prima goes with virtus as well as sapientia. For the 4 1. though t, cf. Antist henes ap . Diog. Laert. 6.7: what is needed to learn is to remove "unlea rning" (to apoman thanein); Epie. fr. 522 ( =Sen. Ep . 28 .9) initiztm est salutis notitiapeccati; Philo, Sac. 135; Sen . Ep. 50. 7; Quintil. 8 . 3.41. 43-8 . "You spend great effort on avoidi ng" imagin ary evils; why not subjeCt your false beliefs to treatm ent ?" For the line of argum ent, cf. Arise Protr. fr. 53 Duerin g ( = Iamb. Protr. ch . 6); USOc.} 1.19; Arr. Epict . 40 . 46. 47. 48 . 4 .10 .2 0-2. recalls and reshapes Theog nis 175-6 "To escape povert y you should throw yourse lf into the sea from a high cliff', verses quoted or echoed with disapp roval by Chrysi ppus (SVF 3. 167) and Plutar ch (Mor . 4 50a). miraris et optas; cf. 1.14. 18 n .; Cic. D e off 1.66 . meliori credere: to begin with at least, philos ophy normally require s a teache r, a "bette r man": cf. 2.68; Sen. Ep . 94.50 - 1; Galen, De animo morb . 8ff., 53; Origen , D e princ. 3. 1. 14. Socrates (PI. Apol. 29b) considers "disob eying a better man than yourse lf' an evil.

(60) 92 Remar ks & Notes: 1.1 Remar ks & Notes: l. 1 49- 52. "What man who fights in local contes ts would spurn an Olymp ic crown if he had a hope, indeed , a guaran tee, of winnin g the palm he longs for withou r a struggle (sine pulvere = akoniti)? Silver is less valuab le than gold, and gold than virtue" . In the minor events referred to in line 49 there were prizes of some cash value to be won; at Olymp ia, the greates t games of all, only a wreath . What is more, the prize of philos ophy, unlike that of the Olymp ic games , is easy and pleasa nt to win: cf. Arise. Protr. 55.7 Duerin g = Iambl. Protr. ch. 16. This shows that virtue' is more valuable than gold (cf. Pl. Laws 728a), as surely as gold is than silver. On this passage, cf. J. Heller , AIP. 86 (1964) 297-3 07. circum pagos et circum compita: i.e . at rustic or small- tOwn 49. meetings: K. Meuli, MH 12 (1955) 219. Horace is thinki ng also of the Roman festivals of the Pagana lia and Compi talia: we know the Comp italia includ ed wrestl ing bours (cf. Meuli) . 53-4. echo Phocylides fr. 9 Diehl "Look for a living, and virtue only when you have a living" , criticis ed by Plato (Rep. 407a) . Ianus summus ab imo: Ianus medius is the name of the 54. quarte r in which the banker s plied their trade in Rome (cf. Sat. 2.3.18 ; Cic. Phil. 6.15; Off. 2.87). Summus ab imo seems to be a joking phrase: not only "the middle of Janus" bur "Janus from tOp to bottom " gives our the edict. prodocet: the word is only found here. The prepos ition 55. sugges ts "holdi ng forth". is clearly an interpo lation. The line recurs at Sat. 56 . l.6.74 , where the subjec t is pueri; it cannot go wi th iuvenes . . .senesque, unless as a SOrt of ironical joke. Bur the joke would be ponde rous and feeble, and the line is natura lly explain ed as a kind of gloss, added to point our that the word recinunt "recite back" implie s "like school childre n". As in 18.91 and often, the interpo lation uses words of the poet's own. lingua fidesque "eloqu ence and aurhor ity". 57. 93 A proper ty of 400,0 00 sesterces was the qualifi cation for equest rian status. desint is lectio difficilior (after est ... sunt . . .sunt); it also leads more natura lly to eris: "let 6 or 7,000 be lackin g . and you'll be a nobod y". Cf. Kuehn er-Ste gmann ii S 214. l(b). (After desunt, we would expect es). plebs eris: "you'll be (just a part of) the masses"; cf. 59 . Hom . If. 12.203 demon eonta ("bein g (one of) the common people "). The brevity of the phrase brings us down with a bump. 60-1. Porphy rio quotes the childre n's phrase: rex erit qui recte faciet; qui non faciet, non erit. ("King " = "winne r": cf. Pl. Theaet. 146a and the scholia ad loc.; Dio Chrys. 4.47) . Horace elegan tly transposes the trochaic septen arius into the hexam eter: cf. Sat. 2.3.26 4 where Terence, Ezm. 49, an iambic senariu s, is turned into the first five feet of a hexam eter. In genera l on this kind of metric al play, see R. Kassel, Z.P.E . 42 (1981) 11- 18. For childre n's words interpr eted as a moral exemp lar, cf. Arr. Epict. 1.24.2 0: here this device is very pointed , because "the childre n's "jingle " teaches a truer lesson than "the law" " (62-3) . murzis aenezts: Antist henes compa red wisdo m to a firm 60. wall (Diog. Laert. 6.13); cf. Sen Ep. 74.19. Aeschines (3.84) ascribes to Demos thenes "braze n and adama ntine walls" as a hyperb olical expression for a sure defence. The Lex Roscia of 67 B. C laid down that the first 62 . fourtee n rr -ys in the theatre be reserved for senatOrs 58. 64 . and equites M'. Curius Denta tus was a hero of (he Samni te and Pyrrhi c wars; (early third centur y B.C). M. Furius Camil lus - in legend at least - drove our the Gauls after their invasion of 390 B. C The plurals imply "men like C and C": cf. 2.2.11 7 Catonibus atque Cethegis; Cic. De orat. 1. 2 11 and Wilkin s ad loc. They are said to "repea t incessantly" (decantata) the childre n's words nOt because they literall y did so in their childhood, bur because they tOok their deeper meani ng to heart in their maturi ty. Such repetit ion is like that of line 37 - and unlike that of line 55 (recinzmt).

(61) 94 rem /aeias : a blunt colloq uialism , like our "make money": cf. Cic. Ad Aft. 7.3 . 12. Its effect is height ened by the heavy repetit ion of the noun. Cf. 62 n. Pupius was plainly a bad traged ian. Pseudo..: 67 . Acro claims to quote his epitap h on himself: in fact, if not merely a scholiastic fancy , this is certain ly, like other such "self-e pitaph s", e.g. Anth. Pal . 7.348 (Simonides) , a lampo on by someo ne else. 68-9. The philos opher can "answer back to Fortun e" because he knows that she cannot damag e him within : cf. 16. 73 -9; and e.g. Plut o Mor. 47 5 c-f. Philos ophy helps a person to "lift up his head and face circum stance s like a free man " (Arr. Epiet. 2 . 17.29; cf. Epicur us ap. Diog . Laert. 10.120 ; Sen . Ep. 9.13, 16.5). Cic. A cad. 2. 70; Antioc hus fleeing under the porticus. 70. 70-1. The philos opher charac teristic ally differs from the general run of men : cf. e.g. 16 passim; Cic. Tuse. 2 .4. The words populus Romanus (rather than turba or whatev er), like Lex in 62, ironically lend a tOne of author ity to the popula r view. 73- 5. The fable figures in Lucilius 980-9 Marx, perhap s with a simila r applica tion . olim "in the fable/adage": cf. 10.42. 73. The Stoic Aristo n compa red the people to a many76. headed beast (Gnom. Vat. 121); cf. also Sen. Ep. 115.11 : the image goes back to PlatO (Rep. 588c). He applied it to the appeti tive part of the soul, the "id", which in the Rep. is paralle l to the popula ce in the state. A startin g-poin t in philos ophy is to see and understan d the diversi ty and conflict betwee n differe nt people 's wishes : see Arr. Epict. 2.11.1 3, 17 . 10-13, 24.15; and Plato's dialog ues regula rly start by showin g how comm on notion s are variously unders tood (Grg. 4 51d and Irwin ad loc.). is probab ly only a human istic correc tion, not an crztStis 78. ancien t varian t, but it must be right. Cakes are a natural gift, for a legacy -hunte r , as for others (cf. Martia l 5. 39 .1-3 sztpremas tibi trieiens in anna / signanti tabulas, Chariae, misi / Hyblaeis madidas thymis placentas); but "scraps" could not be . 65 . Remar ks & Notes : 1.1 Remar ks & Notes: 1.1 95 "And lie in wait for old men to put in their game- reserves" - the line contin ues the metap hor of venentur. ocmlto because the "grow th " of interes t, like the growth 80. of seeds or embry os, is unseen: cf. [Virg.} Moretum 69 occztltae committere semina terrae; Soph. Aj. 646-7 hapanth' ho makros kanari thmetos chronos / phuei t'adela kai phanen ta kruptetai Call things the immea surabl e leng th of time g rows in . secret and hides again when they have come forth"); rathet: simila r is Od. 1. 12.45 crescit oem Ito velut arbor aevo / lama MCircel li. The ancien ts connec ted /aenus wi th /etztS (cf. Greek tokos) : see Festus p.89 Muelle r; Varro ap. AuI. GelI. 16.12 .7. "Can the same people last for an hour thinki ng the 82. same thing good?" . On the topic , see N. Rudd , The Satires 0/ Horace (Camb ridge 1966) 20. 83 -7. The examp le is inspire d by Lucr. 3. 1060- 7l . "No bay in the world outshi nes the beauti ful (bay of) 83. Baiae": for the abbrev iated compa rison, cf. Od. 2.6.14 , 14 .2 8 and Nisbe t-Hub bard ad loCo lacus: the Lacus Lzterimts (cf. e. g. Od. 2 . 15. 3). 84 . vitiosa libido "a neurot ic whim". 85. fecerit aztSpicimn because he treats his fancies as if they 86. were promp tings from the gods: cf. Virgo Aen. 9.185 an sua mique deztS fit dira cupido? Teaman is inland in Campa nia (Baiae on the coast). The leetus genialis is placed in the atrium ( = aula) oppo87. site the house door, for a marria ge . 92- 3. conducto . .. ducit: for the type of word play , see 12 n. Dueit means "draws along" (not "carries"): the rich man is a slave to his possessions. When he has hired a boat (for a change ) he is sick (i.e. , he regrets change), just the same as the rich man (i.e . , in one thing only the rich and poor agree - in their inabili ty to be content). 93 -6. all examples of merely outwa rd inconsistency or unevenness. The good life is characterized by aeqztalitas, the bad life by the reverse (cf. PI. Gorg. 482b-c; Lys. 214c; Diog. Laert. 7.89; Cic. Tusc. 4. 29 ; Off 1.99,1 11 ; Sen. Ep . 31.8, 122 .22) . 79.

(62) 97 Remarks & Notes: 1. 1 Remarks & N otes: 1. 1 97 - 100A sense of conflict or confusion within the self is another (cf. 76 n.) starting point for philosophy: cf. Arr. Epict. 2.11.1, 17.14-18, 26.4; 3.23.34. Socrates in Plato often uncovers such unwisdom in his interlocutors: see e.g. Laches 187e-188b. The style, with its sharp antithesis (cf. 8.11 - 12), brings Out the twists and turns of Horace's psyche. 100. diruit aedificat: cf. [Hippocr.} Ep. 17-43 "they demolish as they build" (kataskaptottSi oikodomeontes), in a diatribe on human inconsistency. mutat quadrata rotundis: presumably an allusion to a story told of the Spartan king Agesilaos (Plue. Mor. 21Oe). When he saw houses with square beams in Asia, he asked if trees grew with square trunks there. When the answer came back "No", he commented "Why, would you have made them round if the tree-trunks had been square ?" 100. "You think I am suffering from the normal madness .. " Sollemnia is adverbial neuter plural, found often in Greek, and sometimes in Latin as a Grecism: cf. e.g. Virgo Aen. 11.854 vana tmnentem. For human folly as "madness ", a typically Stoic theme, cf. Cic. Tusc 3.8; Hor. Sat. 2.3; also Xen. Mem . 3.9.6. 103 -4. curatoris .. a praetore dati: if a man who had no agnates (male blood relatives on his father's side) went mad, the magistrate, here the praetor urbanus, .had to assign him a guardian. 104 . Clnn "although" . Maecenas' taste for luxury was notorious (RE 140).214); such dandyish fastidiousness would be natural in such a character. We should nOt be surprised if Horace criticizes his patron, for candour is the sign of the true friend; cf. Cic. Lael. 88- 100; Plue. Mor. 48e ff.; Cic. Off. 1.91; Horace Epod. 11.25; Sat. 1.4.32: Michels, CP 39 (944) 173-7; cf. CQ 27 (1977) 375 = Collected Essays 278; and it redounds to Maecenas' credit that he can take such criticism. 105. As he gently criticises Maecenas for not understanding his inner needs, Horace also stresses his affectionate dependence on his patron. The assonance of the participles adds warmth to the sentiment: cf. remarks on 1; 14 .7 n. te respzczentis "who looks to you": cf. OLD S. V. respicio 3b; Caesar B.C. 1. 1.:3. 106-8. The Stoics claimed that the true sage (sapiens) had every gift and every advantage: this was a designedly challenging and paradoxical way of stating that virtue is all that men need . (Cicero's Paradoxa Stoicorum is a rhetorical elaboration on the theme). Horace uses this doctrine to state an ideal of wisdom, which he then contrasts with the fact of human weakness. This is not, however, to ridicule the ideal, rather to remind us that it is, precisely, an ideal; and the same thought is-common in ancient ethical writings, including Stoic ones: cf. SVF 1.44; 3.545, 662, 668; Cic. Tusc. 3.69-70; Sen. Ep. 57.3 and Summers ad loc.; Sen. De vito beat. 17; Plut o Mor. 83e, 1048e, 1076b-c; Galen, De animo morb. 11. So this is not a satirical attack on Stoic doctrine, but a lively and funny way of contrasting human ideals with human limitations . 108. praecipue sanus: praecipue because "health" is what Horace is after (see esp. 28-37), and his conduct shows signs of "insanity" (01). nisi cum pituita mo/esta est "except when he has a cold", literally "when his catarrh is troublesome" . the u in pituita here is consonantal (English w), since the firs t i is long (cf. Cat. 23.17). 96

(63) 98 99 Remarks & Notes: 1. 3 Remarks & Notes: 1. 3 REMARKS ON EPISTLE 1. 3 qUIt idle "activities" (26; cf. 21 agilis), literature included, and turn his though ts to the supreme "work" or "concern" (28) of living well. This precept is then applied to the relationship with Munatius whom Florus should be making his "concern " (30). As so often in the Epistles, everyday life and language supply the poet all he needs to make a delightful and thoughtful, even challenging, poem. The poem is a letter to Julius Florus, also addressee of Ep . . 2.2, who was on campaign with Tiberius (2 Claudius, Augztsti privignus) . Tiberius had some interest in literature and versified a lit tle himself (Suer. Tib . 70); so it is not surprising that his cohan (6), his staff or entourage, contained aspiring writers; and well-bred young men, then as now, were prone to fancy themselves as poets (cf. 1$.40 ff.; cf. ZPE 23 (1976) 61- 3 = Collected Essays 215-7. Horace enquires first about Titius and Celsus (the addressee of Ep. 8); and he explores the moral implications of their choices in writing. Titius, as the follower of Pindar, is bold and original: Horace makes no overt criticism but leaves us to infer that he may be too bold . Or Titius might be engaged on a tragedy: in that case, he risks being infected with tragic sound and fury. Celsus' fault is the converse. He tends to plagiarism and this vice Horace castigates by comparing it, jokingly, to the crime of temple-robbery, and the writer to the crow which dressed up in the colourful feathers of other birds . The aberrations of the two young poets, then, correspond to those of the imitatores in Ep . 19; over-ambitious emulation, and slavish and superficial imitation . Now Horace turns to Florus himself, and at this point his way of looking at poetry changes abruptly. It is no longer an art which, like living, can be practised better or worse, but rather an activity which, like all others, is inferior to the true end of life, philosophy, which alone can make us "friends to our country and ourselves " (29). This leads the poet, by a natural and graceful transition, to ask about Florus and one of his friends, Munatius: has their reconcilation lasted or not? And is Florus making Munatius his "concern" as much as he should? Horace concludes by urging them to maintain their friendship and expressing his friendship for both of them. This is one of the Epistles which most closely corresponds to a personal letter; at the same time , it is a sustained discussion of the purpose of life, or, in Aristotelian language, the "function" (ergon) of man. Horace makes it his "business" (2, 6 nn.) to enquire after his friends and give them advice about their "works" (8 n .). He warns Titius and Celsus against errors in composition; at the same time, he encourages Florus to NOTES 2. 3-5. 3. 4. 5. , .! 6. scire laboro "I am anxious to know": cf. Sat. 2.8.19; Cat. 67.17; Ov. Met. 10.413; Cic. Att. 13 . 17 , 18 . 1. This natural turn of phrase unobtrusively introduces the theme of "work" which runs through the poem . These lines indicate the army's itinerary: Thrace the Hellespont - Asia minor. Each region is sharply distinguished from the others: the frost -bound Hebrus (vinctus), the swift-running Hellespont (ettrrentia), or the lush Asia (pingues). Hebrus . .. vinctus: the same image occurs in Anth. Pal. 9.56.1 (Philip of Thessalonica, fl· mid-first century A .D .): "the water of Thracian Hebrus fettered by frost" (Hebrou Threikiou krznno pepedemenon hudor); for a similar one, see Virgo Georg. 4.136; AP 7.542 (Flaccus). There may be a "common source" in earlier Greek poetry. Hero, the beloved of Leander, had a tower near Sestos ; Strabo (591) mentions another tower on the opposite side of the Hellespont, near Abydos. morantZtl' "detain", in so far as their destination is Armenia, not any of these places . Tiberius and his men were in these parts in the winter of 21 -20 B.C. qztid studiosa cohon operum struit?: a sut~ined ambiguity. studiosa means both "eager, diligent" and "studious"; operum and struit refer to the construction of works both of engineering and of literature. Horace addresses the young officers and litterateurs in terms appropriate to both their military and their literary concerns.

(64) 100 Remar ks & Notes: 1. 3 Remar ks & Notes: l. 3 hoc quoque curo echoes scire lab01'o (2). The difference between serious and trivial "concerns", like the difference between serious and trivial "work ", is impor tant in the poem: cf. 26 CZirarZt7n, 30 curae. The deeds of Augus tus were a natura l and challe nging 7. theme at this time (cf., e.g., Sat. 2. l.1O-1 2; Virgo Georg. 3.1 -39); and epic poets had long been accustomed to write up the achiev ements of great contem poraries: thus Archias (whom Cicero defend ed in the Pro Archia) celebrated Marius ' victory over the Cimbr i and Lucullus' over Mithri dates; in genera l, see K. Ziegler, Das hellenistische Epos, 2nd ed. (Leipzig 1966). Here, as elsewhere in the Epistles (2.l.2 29-59 ), Horace treats the subjec t of such poetry with respec t, but the poetry itself with reserve. bella .. .et paces "the wars (he has waged) and the peaces S. (he has made)": cf. Sall.}ug. 3l.20. di/fimdit "diffuses", a comm on metap hor, but the word is also used literally of water- works (cf. Fronti nus, De aquis l.19), and here, in view of lines 10-11, it has a special force. Perhap s Horac e implie s, as he does elsewhere, that a mere encom ium on Augus tus could not satisfy the Callim achean standa rds of fastidious originality. in aevzt1Jz because a major poetica l work will survive: cf. A .P. 346; "Long inus" 1.3, 7.4, 36.2 . venturus in ora implie s that he will be spoken of (cf. 9. e.g., Prop. 3 .9.32) , and presum ably also read or recited. 10-11. The image already has an establi shed place in Latin poetry: see Enn. Ann. 216; Lucil. 100S Marx; Lucr. l.972 = 4.2; Virgo Georg. 2 . 175; Prop. 2 . 10.25; 3.1.3, 3.51 -2. It goes back to an epigra m of Callim achus (2S) " ... I do not drink from the (public ) waterfounta in; I jib at everyt hIng vulgar " (cf. Hymn 2.108- 12); and he probab ly used some form of it at the beginn ing of his Aetia: see A. Kamby lis, Die Dichterweihe ltnd ih,'e Symbolik (Goett ingen 1965) 71 - 5. It also echoes Pindar himsel f; cf. Quinti l. 10. 1. 109, speaki ng of Cicero's origina lity, non enim pluvias, ut ait Pindarus, 12. 13. 14. 15 . 101 aquas colligit , sed vivo gurgite eXltndat ( = fr. 274 SnellMaehler). non expalluit ... ausus: the langua ge of "darin g" is often used of literar y origina lity: cf. e.g., line 20 below; Sat. 2.l.62 ; Enn. Ann. 216; Cat. 1.5; Virgo Georg. 4.565. It has not lost its force here: boldness is a moral quality, comm endabl e in princip le, if easily misgu ided as Horace implie s here. Horace himsel f had imitate d Pindar in Odes 1-3 and he warns agains t mistak en imitation of Pindar in Od. 4.2. lams; cf. Sat. l.4. 37. These were public water-basins fed by the great aquedu c ts of Rome. Agripp a set up 700 of them there (Plin. N.H. 36.121 ). Cf. Eur. Hec. 986-9 2 "Is my son alive? ... does he rememb er me?". "Farewell (chaire / vale) and remem ber me" is a formul a of affectionate leave-taking: cf. Hom. Od. 8.461; Ar. Peace 719; Sappho 94.7 -8 Lobel- Page; T i b. l. 3. 2; Ov. Am. 2. 11. 37 . Thebanos: i.e. Pindar ic, since Pindar was a Theba n. auspice Musa "with the help/fa vour of the Muse". desaevit . . .a172pullatur "vents his rage ... rants" . These words repres ent the charac teristic s of traged y as such, not faults of Titius' traged ies. The point is that Titius , in writin g traged y, may be infected with tragic passion and bomba st; Horace gives a strong moral point to the figure of speech whereb y an author is said to do what his charac ters, or actors, do: cf. Sat. 1. 10.36; Ep. 2. l.170- 4; furthe r, C.Q . 27 (1977) 362 n.16 = Col. lected Essays 265 n. 16. ampulla or the : zei ampullatur translates the Greek lekuthi is comthis lekuthos was a jar with a rounde d belly; r (our speake pared to the inflated cheeks of an angry of style " "puffin g with rage"), or simply to an "inflated utteran ce. In Greek , the metap hor goes back to Callimach us again (cf. 10- 11 n.), fr. 2l5, and perhap s to Aristo phanes (Frogs 1208 etc.); see further A.P. 94, 97 and Brink ad loc; ].H. Quinc ey, C.Q. 43 (1949) 32-44. monitzis mztltzt7nqzte monendus "who has been warned before and must keep being warned ".

(65) 102 Remar ks & Notes: l. 3 16- 17. In view of opes "wealt h", it is natura l to unders tand tangere to have its conno tation of stealin g money (cf. Plaut. Aul. 740; further , C.Q. 27 (1977) 362 n. 18 = Collected Essays 265 n. 18) and recepit to mean "received (as his due)" (OLD s. v. recipio 5), though tangere in this contex t also has overtones of sacrilege (cf. Livy 29.20. 10). Plagia rism in Latin is furtum (in Greek klope): cf. 20 furtivis . The temple of Palatin e Apollo was dedica ted in 28 B.C.; there was a portico beside it which contai ned Greek and Latin librari es. See furthe r Nisbe t-Hub bard on ad. l. 3 l. l. 18-20 . allude to Aesop's fable (Babrius 72) of the jackdaw which decked itself Out for a beauty contes t in the cast-off feathers of other birds: they tumbl ed to its trick and each one strippe d it of its own feather. Poets are often compa red to birds (cf. Nisbe t-Hub bard on ad. 2.20, p.332) ; and coloribus is also a literar y term (cf. A.P. 86 and Brink ad loc.). repetitum (supine) " to reclaim"; the word is regula rly used of legal action to recover what is one's Own by right: cf. OLD s. v. 9-10. The legal langua ge here and in 16-17 stresses that Celsus' is a kind ·of moral error. olim "some time (in the future)" . Bees, like birds , are, comm only compa red to poets: e.g. 2l. ad. 4.2.27 -32; the compa rison goes back to Pindar (Pyth. 10.54) and PlatO (Ion 534a). linguam ... acuis: "you whet, sharpe n your tOngue "; for 23. the metap hor, cf. Pind . 01. 6.82; Pyth. l.86 ; Cic. Brut. 97; De or. 3.12l. 23 -4. civica iura / respondere "give opinio ns on questio ns of civil law": i .e. Florus might be studyi ng to become a iurisconsultus. amabile: used of poets or their works in genera l (cf. ad. 24. 3.4 .5; 4.3 .1 4), like Greek eratos , charies. Here it points up the contra st betwee n the diversi on of poetry and the business of law. frigida curartmz /omenta seems to be a delibe rate ambi 26. guity (cf. 6 n .): "the cold poultic es of your activit ies", and "ineffectual remed ies for your trouble s" . Cold I Remar ks & Notes: 1. 3 103 poultic es were a fash ionable form of treatm ent , introduced by Anton ius Musa (cf. 15.3 ; Suet. Aug. 81). For the double meani ng of CZt1'arzmz, cf. e.g . , Ov. T r. l. 11. 12 omnis ab hac cura CZtra levata mea est. Man's proper activit y (cf. l. 11) and his true medici ne (cf. 1. 28-40 ) is philos ophy. "heavenly wisdom " is compa red to a general leadires: 27. ing his trOOps intO action: cf. 2.2.37 (a praetor addressin g one of his soldiers) i bone quo virtus ttta te vocat , i pede famto. "Marc hing" behind wisdom is in contra st with the "flittin g about" of line 21, and also, by implicati on, with the literal campa ign Florus is on. The philos ophic life is often compa red to soldier ing : e.g. Arr . Epict. 3.24.3 1-6; Sen . De vit.beat. 15.5 ; and for simila r phrasi ng in this metap hor see Sen. De otio 1.5 . opus ... studium: this is the true "work" or "conce rn". 28. parvi ... et ampli: cf. l. 25 -6 n . Philos ophy is useful to the state, because it makes the 29. citizen s better: cf. Arr. Epict. 4 . 5.3 5; so tOO for Aristotle (Pol. 1252b 30) the aim of the city is the same as that of philos ophy, "living well". And because he achieves inner harmo ny and becomes good, the true philos opher is "dear to himse lf': cf. 18.101 ; PI. Rep. 621c (a major theme in the whole work); Arist. E.N. 1166b 25 -9; Sen . Ep . 6.7. ionate) 30-1. sit .. . Munatius "wheth er you have as much (affect ht be mig ius Munat ". concer n as is proper for Munat ius 7. 1. ad. of see a son of L. Munat ius Plancu s, addres 31-2 . The metap hor is of a wound : cf. Petron . 113.8 veritm ne inter initia coettntis gratiae cicatricem rescinderet . Clearly the two young hot-he ads had been recently , and precariously, reconciled after a quarre l. rerum inscitia "inexperience ", "immaturity" . 33. indomita cervice feros: the metap hor recalls 1.39 and 34 . 2.64-5 . .. .foedus: indigni is vocative ("0 you who ... ") indigni . 35 rather than nomin ative. For the personal constr uction with this adjecti ve, cf., e.g., A.P. 23 1: transla te "of whom it would be unwor thy to break ... ". Foedus "treaty " is anothe r metap hor proper to m en on cam-

(66) 104 36 . Remar ks & Notes: l. 3 paign (cf. 6 n.): for its use of private individ uals cf., e.g, Cat. 109.6. vestrum is a fine touch: Horace stresses to Florus, who may be estrang ed from Munat ius , that he, Horace , is a friend to both of them. votiva because Horace will sacrifice the heifer if and when the two return safely: cf. Nisbet -Hubb ard on Od . 1.36.2 . Remar ks & Notes: l. 3 105 REMA RKS ON EPISTLE l.9 His friend Septim ius - no doubt the addressee of Od. 2.6 (see Nisbe t-Hub bard, p.93) and the man mentio ned in a letter of Augus tuS ' to Horace - has asked the poet to draw him to the attenti on of Tib. Claudi us Nero, Augus tus' stepson, later to become the emper or Tiberi us . So this is a letter of comm endati on (seventy-nin e such letters are assembled in Book 13 of Cicero, Ad /amiliares) . It has a place in this volume because Septim ius has posed Horace a small, bur acure moral proble m: is he to recom mend his friend to the great man and risk defeat ing his purpos e by presum ing tOO far? Or is he, for fear of that, to do nothin g and risk cuttin g the figure of a selfish hypocr ite? He judges the latter course to be the greate r evil; hence the letter. Thus we see Horace 's ethics in action: friends hip and self-awareness - always major themes in his poetry - prevail over bashfulness. The poem is also a masterly examp le of its genre. Tiberi us was reserved and touchy: he could hardly be annoye d by so unassu ming a letter. At the same time, its very modes ty makes it more effective. If Horace has dared after 'all to write for his friend, and if he need say no more in his favour than he does (13 n.) , then Septim ius must clearly be "worth y of the charac ter / judgem ent and the househ old of Tiberi us, who chooses what is right and good " (4). NOTE S 1-3. nimirzmz... scilicet. . . "evide ntly . .. needless to say . .. ": both particl es, in differe nt ways, bring our Horace's embar rassme nt. Nimiru m is evasive and mildly ironical : Horace is acting on his friend's belief that Tiberi us holds him in high esteem , bur he declines to assert it on his own accoun t. Scilicet invites Tiberi us not to be shocked or surpris ed at the reques t, by implyi ng that he must already have unders tood what Horace is working up to say . For scilicet with Zit, cf. 20 .2 (if the book is lookin g toward s the shops, there can be no doubt of its intenti ons); 2.2.44 (if Horace further ed his education at Athen s, it was natura lly, since the city "';as fa-

(67) 106 3. 4. 5. 6. 8-9. Remar ks & Notes: 1.3 Remar ks & Notes: 1.3 mous for its philos ophica l schools, by studyi ng philos ophy); Virgo Aen. 6.750 (the answe r to Aeneas ' question and thus also the natura l conclu sion of Anchises ' discourse). In genera l, cf. Madvi g on Cic. Fin . 5.3. unus: again, mildly ironical. If "only" Septim ius knows that Tiberi us thinks so well of Horace , then we may doubt wheth er he is right: contra st Cic. Ad. lam. 13.10. 4 (cf. 5.1) si me tanti /acis quanti et Varro existimet et ipse sentio . .. Horace also implie s that no one else will be beggin g him to approa ch Tiberi us, so the great man need nOt fear any furthe r letters . quanti me facias: the writer of a letter of comm endati on the addressee may natura lly refer to the . esteem ~hic with more so does lly norma has for him; bur he igitur feceris 2 13.67. confidence. Contra st Cic. Ad /am. 10.4 cf. facias; me quanti mihi gratissimum si ei dec/arm-is 61. 16.3, (quote d in the previous note), laudare et tradere coner "try to recom mend and introduce". Coner meticu lously spells our that the decisio n can only be Tiberi us'. dignum: a standa rd term in letters of comm endati on: Cic. Ad/am . 13.3 (cf. 6.4, 7.5, 14 .2 etc.) tua amicitia dignissimum. " ... in thinki ng fit that I should perfor m the duty of a quite close friend". The cum-clause here runs paralle l to that of line 2. The accum ulation of subord inate clau~es brings Out Horace 's embar rassme nt again: it is hard for him to come to the point. "He sees (in this case) and knows (in genera l) what I can achieve better than I do mysel f'. Thus the point is not, as usual in comm endato ry letters , "I know him well / he is an old friend of mine, .. . accept him into your friends hip" (cf. Cic. Ad lam . 13 .2, 3, 5. 2, 77.2 etc.), but "he knows me well in that he assures me to be (already) a friend of yours" . By modify ing the conventional phrase ology Horace points to the delicacy of his posi tion. What Horace feared to be is the eiron, of whom Aristotle says (E.N. 1127a2 2-3): dokei arneisthai ta huparchonta e elatto poiein ("he seems to deny his own capaci - 11. 12. 13. 107 ties, or to play them down" ). This type was on the whole less admire d in ancien t Greece and Rome than in moder n Englan d (see furthe r Theop hr. Char. 1); and here such behavi our could well be no more than selfishness (mihi commodus uni). /rontis ... urbanae ... praemia: "the rewards which the selfassurance of a man-o f-the-w orld brings ", by contra st with pudor subrusticus (Cic. Ad lam. 5. 12.1; cf. Ov . Her. 19.59; Sen. Ben. 2.3.2) , clumsy embar rassme nt. descendi is wittily ambig uous. More obviously, it means "I have lowered myself, resorte d to" (OLD S. v., 8a-b); that sense goes natura lly with /ugiens, but gives a lively oxymo ron with praemia; one does not usually stOOp to "rewards" . But the sense "I have entere d", sc. a fight or battle (OLD S .V. 3c), is also presen t: that sense goes natura lly with praemia (cf. e.g., 2.2.38 ; Od. 4.8.3) , and stands in lively contra st to /ugiens. The wry humour of all this makes it imposs ible for the addressee to be indign ant. ob amici imsa: this is well within the class of things a man should nOt shrink from doing for a friend: for this as a topic of philos ophy, cf. Cic. Off. 3.43; Lael. 36-40. scribe tui gregis hzmc "enrol l him (as one) of your entourage" . /ortem ... bonumque: cf. Cic. Ad lam. 13.77. 2 (simila r, 25, 28.8) M. Bolanum, virum bonum et /ortem ... tibi magno opere commendo. Septim ius' merits occupy half a line; Horace 's proble ms have taken twelve .

(68) 108 109 Remarks & Notes: 1. 14 Remarks & Notes: 1.14 REMARKS ON EPISTLE l. 14 The poem happily blends sternness with kindness, humour and self-awareness. Horace is leCturing his slave and like the ancients in general, he does not question the social system that allows him a life of leisure which the slave works to finance; but he can understand the slave's discontent and criticize his own. The poem is a comparison and contrast, a "contest" (4 certemus), between Horace and the slave who works his Sabine farm. Both have a job to do: the bailiff looking after Horace's property, and Horace attending to himself. The poet is in town, but panting and straining to get back to the country (6-9), whereas the bailiff longs to get back to town. Both are mistaken in blaming their "innocent surroundings" for their discontent : the fault is really in themselves 02-13). Horace is one up on the bailiff in so far as he is consistent: he always wants to be in the country, whereas the slave, when he worked in town, was eager to be sent to the country 04-16). But the slave's discontent is understandable since his life on the farm is one of hard manual labour, with no sources of pleasure like wine or women 09-30). Horace, on the other hand, has deliberately put wine and women behind him, he enjoys leisure and freedom from envy in the country (31-8), and if he does any work on the farm, it is an unusual and laughable occurrence (39), nOt in keeping with his main task, philosophy. The bailiff, though unhappy with his lot, is (unlike Horace) the object of envy: the man who is now doing his old job in town would gladly Opt for the perquisites of his colleague's. The conclusion is that both the town and the country slave - and both the country slave and Horace should cheerfully get on with their own business. The thought of the poem is subtly set in relief by the use of personal pronouns. Most obviously, there is a contrast between "me" and "you", Horace and the bailiff (2, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19 etc.) , who are , however, also "we" in that they have some faults in common 02, 18, 31). Over against this is set the use of the reflexive pronouns, introduced in the very first line (mihi me cf. 13, 16; similar in effect is mens animusque in 8) . It is nOt really a question of Horace 's winning the "contest" with the bailiff, any more than in Epistle 10 it is a question of his winning the "argument" with Fuscus; what COuntS is to establish harmony between us and ourselves, and that means nOt just wanting one thing constantly, but being content to be where we are and do what we have to do. NOTES 1. 2-3. 4. 5. vilice "bailiff', but he is a slave, and his job includes manual labour (cf. 26-30). On the duties of a vilicus, see Cato, R.R. 142. mihi me reddentis "which gives me back myself again"; i.e. when he returns there, Horace is his own master, as he is not in town: cf. 18.107 mihi vivam. Reddere also means "yield" in the agricultural sense (see OLD, s.v., 15); that meaning is present here toO: the farm's material produce is nothing much, its ftuits are those of the spirit. Sen. Ep. 32 . 5 opto tibi tui /acttltatem; Ep. l. 1 vindica te tibi (cf. De brev. vito 2.4). "which you despise for having only five households and for being able to send their five worthy heads on leave nowhere better than Varia". Variam: modern Vicovaro. dimittere may imply no more than that the five worthies go to market in Varia: that is the most they get in the way of "release". spinas: for the metaphor, cf. 2 .2.212; perhaps also Lucilius 213 Marx. The metaphor of agriculture is often used of philosophy or education, cf. 1.40; PI. Euthyphro 2e; Rep . 589b; Cic. De orat. 2.88, 131; Sen. Ep. 73.16; Pluto Mor. 453b; Galen, De animo morb. 40. Note also Art. Epict. 3.5.14 (Socrates speaking) "As one man likes improving his farm, another his house, so I like watching myself improving morally every day": Socratic philosophy is essentially "looking after yourself' (cf. PI. Phaedo 115b, Apology 36c). Horatitts an res "Horace or his property". The use of the name here makes again the contrast between personal and material benefit (cf. 1 n.).

(69) 110 Remar ks & Notes: 1. 14 Lamiae pietas et cura "friend ship and concer n for Lamia"; 6. for pietas + genitiv e in this sense, cf. Ennius fr. 275 Jocely n. Lamia figures in Od. 1.26, 1.36, and 3.17. Horace has a serious reason to be in tOwn, so his itch if to get home is the less accept able. At the same time, conis he that he is away consol ing Lamia, that shows cerned to help his friends, as well as to improv e himself, and that his retirem ent is not mere flight: cf. 1. 11; Sen. Ep. 55; De tranq. 4-5; 7). The repetit ion of the noun and assonance of the partic7. iples have a pathet ic effect: cf. Virgo Georg. 4.466 te veniente die, te decedente canebat: also Aen. 2.771; Hom. II. 24.245 . E. J. Kenne y, f.CS . 2 (1977) 229-3 9 argues that Lamia's brothe r has been "snatc hed away" not by death, but by a predat ory woman . But the wordin g of lines 6-8 is tOO serious to allow of that constr uction : if the bereav ement is real, Horace may well speak as he does of the intens ity of his friend' s grief; if not, then such langua ge sounds offensively sarcastic. If Horace admits that he longs to leave Rome despit e his duty and attachm ent to Lamia, that is no more frank or blunt than Ep. 7 is. insliitbiliter, appare ntly a coinag e of Horace 's, echoes 8. the words of Lucret ius ' unenli ghtene d and obsessive mourn er (3 .906-7) te . . .insatiabiliter dejlevimm; both authors use the long, weigh ty word as if to reflect the mood of the person they describe. etiam, 8-9. Anoth er echo of Lucret ius: 2.263- 5 nonne vides patefactis tempore puncto / carceribus, non posse tamen prorumpere equorum / vim cupidam tam desubito quam mens avet ipsa? It is strikin g here, as in 11. 10, how Horace sounds a grande r note, echoin g Lucret ius, to repres ent mistak en feelings or passions: this is somet hing subtle r than parody . avet is a necessary emend ation. Amat could only mean "loves to / is accustOmed to"; and avet in fact occurs in the Lucret ius passage . The vice of "blam ing one's lot" (mempsimoiria) is where 11. Sat. 1. 1 begins: see furthe r N. Rudd, The Satires of Horace (Camb ridge 1966) 20. Remar ks & Notes: 1. 14 III The mistak en blame of places (cE., e.g. Sen. Ep. 50 . 1) corresp onds to the mistak en praise of places in Ep . 11; likewise, Horace gently directs Celsus ' attenti on inward in Ep. 8. Yet anothe r echo of Lucret ius; 3. 1068-9 hoc se quisque 13. modo fugitat, quem scilicet, ut fit, / effugere haud potis est; t for anothe r place influenced by the same contex: in Nisand 9-20 Lucr., see 1.83-7 n . Cf. also Od. 2.16.1 bet-Hu bbard ad loc. mediastinus "a slave-of-all-w ork". 14. optas (in contra st with tacita prece) natura lly implie s 15. like the whole Epistle - that the vilicus has expressed his wishes to Horace . If Horace is "consi stent", he is closer than the viiiCZts to 16 . the ideal of wisdom (cf. 1. 93-6 n .); but this is obviously a lower form of consistency: cf. 18 n . trahunt "haul me off' - a strong metap hor: cf. Sat . 17. 2.6.23 Romae sponsorem me rapis . eadem miramur "we both have our hanker ings, but non 18. after differe nt objects ". Mirari, like optare (15, 43) implies an excessive longin g and a mistak en estima te of the object 's worth: cf. 1.47 ,6. 1, 10.31. tesqua "heath s". The word belong s to the langua ge of 19. augurs and is found in the ancien t hymn of the Arval Brethr en and in Ennius and Accius; its tOne is archaic and poetica l; likewise inhospita is a word confined to poetr y;cf. O. Hiltbr unner, Gymnasium 74 (1967) 309-12 . The whole phrase deserta et inhospita tesqua, then , sugges ts throug h its grand style, the streng th of the bailiff s feelings: cf. 8-9 n. can mean "rich" (cf., e.g., 15 .44; 17.12) or zmcta 21. "greasy", "dirty" ([Virg .} Cata!' 5.27) - depend ing on wheth er you look at it from the bailiff s or Horace's 12 . point of view. could grow pepper and spice 22-3. ".' .. and the fact that you in that (godfo rsaken )' corner sooner than you can grapes": i.e. you can't even make your own wine and there is not a tavern either (24). On the use of angulus, cf. Nisbe t-Hub bard on Od. 2.6 . 14.

(70) 112 Remar ks & Notes: 1. 14 Remar ks & Notes: 1. 14 terrae gravis: i .e. he would get his own back on the 26. earth by stamp ing lustily on it in his dances: cf. Od. 3. 18.15 - 16; also 1.37.1 -2. The phrase seems to echo, changi ng its sense , the Home ric achthos aroures "burde n to the earth" II. 18.104 ; Od. 20 .379, of those whose existence is pointless) . et tamen "and what's more", "at the same time": cf 7.23, 15.3; Fraenk el, Horace 332 n. 2. 27 -8. When the ox enjoys its rest and food, the bailiff still has to work to feed it; and strictis /rondibus implie s he strips off the leaves himsel f. Leaves are norma l food for oxen (cf Cato, R.R. 30). pigro: not only is the bailiff s work hard, he is also 29. temper amenta lly disincl ined to hard work. multa mole docendus "that has to be taught , with great 30. effort ... " Docendus, used of a river again at A.P. 68, delicately echoes the compa rison betwee n agricu ltural and philoso phical work made in line 4 (see n.). For educational metaph ors applie d to agricu lture, cf, e.g., 2.2 . 186; Virgo Georg. 2.51 -2, 362-7 0. "Now let me tell you what it is that stops us agreein g": 31. i.e. Horace now explain s why they have differe nt attitudes to the countr y. ... nitidi: i.e. clothes of "fine" wool. . . hair shiny tenues 32. wi th ungue nt (cf Od. 1.4.9 and Nisbe t-Hub bard ad loc. ). immtmem "witho ut paying ", since courtesans were pro33. verbially graspi ng (e.g. Tib. 2.4.25 ); Cinara represe nts the affairs of Horace 's young er days (cf 7.28; Od. 4. 1.4, 13.21) . The word may also hint that no lasting harm was done to Horace 's moral state: cf Arr. Epict. 3.25 .8 "when you fell for that slave-g irl, did you escape scot-free?" (hettetheis de tou paidiskariou apelthes azemios;) "I am not asham ed of having had my fun; I should be 36. of not cuttin g it short now" . limat "dimin ishes" , literally "files down" . The verb 38. comes from the noun lima; bur there is also word-p lay on the phrase fimis (oCttlis) "with sidelon g glance s", which is used of envious looks and is synono mous with obliquo OCttlo in 37. 39 . 40. 42 . 43. 44. 113 Horace , like Tibull us 0.1.2 9-32), does some gentle and gentle manly work on the farm now and then. "You prefer to nibble at town-sla,re's rations with your mates" : we have to unders tand an empha tic pronou n: cf. Sat. 2.3.21 2, 234; C.Q. 27, 1977, 369 n. 52 = Coffected Essay 272 n. 52; here there is also ttt in the next line. In town the slave would JUSt get a rather scanty allowance of food; in the countr y he can make use of wood for fires, sheep or cows for milk and the garden for vegetables (42). calo "d rudge" : this man is now what the bailiff once was (14 mediastinus). Strictl y speaki ng, this line is imposs ible to punctu ate because piger goes with both bos and c'abaffZtS; for the same patter n of line, see 8.12. Howev er, it is natura l to take optat . .. optat as an anapho ra, i. e. repeti tion of the first word in the clause , and so put the comm a after piger. For the resulti ng shape of the hexam eter and the senten ce, cf. 6.48; 2.2.75 , 89. fr. 234, which Plutar ch (Mor. The line echoes Pind~r 472c) quotes to make a point simila r to Horace 's; cf also Max. Tyr. 2.3. The line echoes Aristo phanes , Wasps 1431 "let each man do the job he knows ", which Cicero treats as a prover b (Tusc. 1.41; Ad Au. 5. 10.3). Libens adds somet hing to the though t: we must do our- job cheerfully, co~tendly. ttterqzte: in the first instanc e this word applies to the calo and the vilicus . But the whole poem was about Horace and the vifiCtts (who are uterque in line 12); and in line 39 we saw Horace doing a job for which he was ill-suit ed . It is natura l, then, to suppos e that ttterque, by implic ation, refers to Horace and his bailiff This softens a little the "tough ness " (McGa nn, Studies in Horace's First Book 0/ Epistles 70) of the conclusion.


Dokumen baru