A Companion to Catullus 2007

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  Skinner to be identified as the Author of the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.


  Skinner Part I The Text and the Collection 11 2 History and Transmission of the Text 13 J. Wiseman 5 The Contemporary Political Context 72 David Konstan 6 The Intellectual Climate 92 7 Gender and Masculinity 111Elizabeth Manwell Part III Influences129 8 Catullus and Sappho 131Ellen Greene 9 Catullus and Callimachus 151Peter E.

Part V Poems and Groups of Poems 233

  Dyson 15 Sexuality and Ritual: Catullus’ Wedding Poems 276Vassiliki Panoussi 16 Catullan Intertextuality: Apollonius and the Allusive Plot of Catullus 64 293Jeri Blair DeBrohun 17 Poem 68: Love and Death, and the Gifts of Venus and the Muses 314Elena Theodorakopoulos 18 Social Commentary and Political Invective 333W. Hallett 26 Catullus in the College Classroom 503Daniel H.


4.1 Transpadane Italy 58 4.2 North end of the Sirmione peninsula 60 4.3 Schematic reconstruction of a lost inscription from Lanuvium (CIL 14.2095) 61 4.4 Hypothetical reconstruction of the Sirmio villa 65 4.5 Fragment of wall-painting from the villa at Sirmione 67


  The editor of this volume, the contributors, and the publisher gratefully acknowledge the permission granted to reproduce the copyright material in this book:Authorities of the Italian Air Force (Aeronautica militare) for fig. The publisher apologizes for any errors or omissionsin the above list and would be grateful if notified of any corrections that should be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book.xii Acknowledgments Abbreviations Abbreviations of the names of ancient authors and their works follow, whenever possible, the practice of the Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd edition (1996), referred 3 to as OCD .

General Abbreviations

  ad locum, at the line being discussed in the commentaryap. apud, within, indicating a quotation contained in another authorc., cc.

Roman Praenomina

  First names of male Roman citizens, relatively few and handed down in families, are abbreviated on inscriptions and conventionally in modern works of scholarship. Life of Cato the YoungerCic.

Greek Authors and Works

Roman Authors and Works

  Priscian, Institutes of the Art of GrammarProp. Life of the Deified JuliusNer.

Works of Secondary Scholarship

  AE´ L’Anne´e E´pigraphique, published in RevueArche´ologique and separately (1888–) Bla¨nsdorf J. Skutsch, ed., The Annals of Q.

Notes on Contributors

  He has held visiting appointments at the University ofOtago in New Zealand, the University of Edinburgh, the Universidade de Sa˜o Paulo, the University of La Plata in Argentina, the University of Natal in Durban, theUniversity of Sydney, Monash University in Melbourne, the American University inCairo, and the Universidad Nacional Auto´noma de Me´xico. He is the author of Lyric Texts and Lyric Consciousness: The Birth of a Genre from Archaic Greece to Augustan Rome(1994); Latin Erotic Elegy: An Anthology and Reader (2002); Subjecting Verses: LatinLove Elegy and the Emergence of the Real (2004); and Latin Verse Satire: An Anthology and Critical Reader (2005).

Marilyn B. Skinner

  Jeffrey Tatum considers the function of Catullan invective: beginning with a consideration of the role of polemic in Roman political debate, he examines theconventions of political abuse as they are reflected in Catullus’ poetry and analyzes the hidden messages in Catullan obscenity, showing that the concerns expressed areof a piece with the ethical stance of the speaker throughout the corpus. 3 Although some still adhere to the older view that Catullus rejected politics to devote himself to a life of art and enjoyment (e.g., Miller 1994: 134–6), we now see increasing consider-ation of his use of poetry to negotiate his cultural identity and his provincial status among members of the Roman elite (Fitzgerald 1995: 185–211; Habinek 1998: 94–6) and tocritique Roman society from that perspective (W.

WORKS CITED Dixon, S. 2001. Reading Roman Women: Sources, Genres, and Real Life. London

  Catullus and the Poetics of Roman Manhood. PART I The Text and the Collection A Companion to Catullus Edited by Marilyn B.

J. L. Butrica

  To clarify the scholarly basis of that work for his audience, and classical textual criticism in general, Stoppard used Benjamin Jowett, the famous translator of Plato,as an unlikely mouthpiece for a speech dealing with the transmission of Catullus: This morning I had cause to have typewritten an autograph letter I wrote to the father of a certain undergraduate. In other words, anyone with a secretary knows that what Catullus really wrote was already corrupt by the time it was copied twice, whichwas about the time of the first Roman invasion of Britain: and the earliest copy that has come down to us was written about 1,500 years after that.

The Text in Antiquity

  On the basis of the ancient citations of Catullus and this comparison with Calvus AD and Cinna, I would suggest that Roman readers of the first century knew at least five or six separate works of Catullus and/or collections of his verse, each originallyoccupying its own papyrus roll (perhaps even more if the Pharmaceutria existed and if there was a separate collection of Priapea). The same consideration applies to the quality of the text pre- served in that corpus; the individual books that were compiled were only randomrepresentatives of the hundreds or perhaps thousands of copies once scattered throughout the Empire, and need not have been used for any reason of supposed‘‘accuracy.’’ On the contrary: in terms of contents, text, and annotation, our Catullan corpus is simply whatever the Verona codex happened to contain, rightly or wrongly.

The Text in the Middle Ages

  No more certain is thealleged imitation of Catullus 68 in a work of Agius of Corvey composed in 874 History and Transmission of the Text 25Catullus was known to and imitated by Lovato Lovati near the end of the MiddleAges, these were greeted with skepticism in Ullman (1960) and conclusively refuted in Ludwig (1986). Those who were responsible for the restoration of poem-divisions that took place in the near descendants of V (and it was surely a cumulative, collaborativeeffort) were the first modern textual critics of Catullus, just as the authors of the numerous annotations in O and G were the first interpreters and rudimentarycommentators.

Emergence of the Question

  Such patterning could not be found in the second and third sections of the corpus, however – on the one hand, there were too few of thelonger poems; on the other, the pagination of the epigrams in the codex had, in 2 Westphal’s view, been disturbed (1867, 1870 : 1–13). These conclusions had a decisive impact on Anglo-American scholarship, for they were accepted by Robinson Ellis in the second edition of his commentary on Catullus(1889: 4–5) and became the starting point for Arthur Leslie Wheeler’s ‘‘History of the Poems,’’ the first of his 1928 Sather Lectures on Catullus.

Charting the liber Catulli

  As his visualdiagrams indicate, Heck’s model of arrangement for the first subgroup of epigrams is sequential, following the development of thought and emotion as it unfolds from onepoem to the next (p. 73); for the second subgroup it becomes architectonic, defined Authorial Arrangement of the Collection 41The arrangement of the carmina maiora (‘‘longer poems’’) in the middle of the liber Catulli is relatively straightforward. The juxtaposition of 66 and 67 points an ironic contrast between the Alexandrian court and the daily life of a Roman town; by returning us to the present, thelatter prepares us for Catullus’ confessions of private feeling, his grief over his brother and his continued passion for Lesbia, in the second verse epistle, 68(pp. 83–9).

Aesthetic Axioms

  KennethQuinn noted that the dedication to Nepos must therefore have introduced a volume containing both groups of hendecasyllabics: ‘‘That the arrangement of the hendeca-syllabic poems is due to an editor, who sandwiched 2–26 in between 1 and 27–58, or hit upon the idea for himself of arranging the poems in accordance with this minorvariation in metrical usage, can be ruled out’’ (1972b: 14; cf. 1973b: 387). At the outset, Wiseman distinguishes between twostages of linear comprehension: ‘‘that of the first-time reader of the collection, recognising the ‘Lesbia’ relationship as a major theme and having his insight into itprogressively developed as he proceeds; and that of the returning reader, who knows what comes afterwards, and can use his knowledge to pick up cross-references in bothdirections’’ (1985: 137).


  Whether they stipulate that the libellus ended with poem 14 or extend it to include the Juventius poems, Catullan scholars nowappear to agree that the opening sequence(s) of the polymetric section are elegantly structured according to a combination of metrical and thematic principles, and thatCatullus himself is responsible for that design. VIII 309), con-tribute to the debate – by providing evidence of how published Hellenistic poetry collections were structured (Hutchinson 2003) and, more disturbingly, by perhapscalling the notion of a ‘‘controlling author as editor and architect’’ into question(Barchiesi 2005: 341).


  8 The MS reading illud admits a trochee into the first foot of 3.12, but Skutsch, for other reasons, prefers spondaic illuc (pp. 39–40) 9 See the special issue of Arethusa 13.1 (1980) on Augustan poetry books and, in particular, Van Sickle’s influential article ‘‘The Book-Roll and Some Conventions of the PoeticBook’’ for how the concrete features of the scroll shape content and arrangement. Assuming that the last few poems were later tacked on to the complete volume accounts for their heterogeneity and for the fragmentaryquality of 58b and 60; on the other hand, it requires us to suppose that 57 was suppressed by the author, while 29 was not, and that 55 and 58 – both of which we would be sorry tolose – were also excluded for some unknown reason.

The Valerii Catulli

  Nevertheless, the political context of the poetry would appear to be determined by events in the early 50s, beginning more or lesswith the formation, in 59, of what is called the First Triumvirate, that is, the informal alliance between Julius Caesar, Pompey the Great, and Crassus, the wealthiest man inRome, under the terms of which they reigned supreme in the state until 54 and beyond. It is, of course, possible that Catullus was the kind of person who is fiercely partisan toward his friends and antagonistic toward his enemies, and that his indignation atthe excesses of Mamurra was, in the end, motivated more by a petty resentment that others were prospering while he and his friends were being left out in the cold than bya more properly political revulsion at the policies of Caesar and Pompey, which were leading to the ruin of the world.

Andrew Feldherr

  New Criticism had cast its spotlight on ‘‘the text itself’’ as an autonomous entity uninflected by the swagger of its historicalauthor; ‘‘Alexandrianism,’’ with its imagined ideal of the refined poem that spoke through other poems to an elite audience informed by a vast and detailed literaryknowledge, was seen as the foundation of Roman poets’ understanding of the aims and nature of literature. The second part of the chapter relates this contrast between the inward-facing and outward-facing aspects of literary culture to the thematization of Hellenism inCatullus 64, where it appears both as the cause of a contemporary moral downfall and as an elusive refuge from the social corruption it engenders.

Material Culture?

  This gives rise to essential contradictions and uncertainties affecting Catullus’ attitudes toward the relationship between learning and the social practice of poetry,a sense of the incompleteness, even of the incompatibility, of the different horizons in which his poetry moves that provides no small part of the energy of his best work. Another dimension of the contrasting contexts in which his learning places the poet emerges from the complex dedication to the first of two longer elegiac poems,his ‘‘translation’’ of Callimachus’ poem on the catasterism (transformation into a 9 star) of a tress from the head of the poet’s royal patron, Berenice II.

Catullus and the Golden Fleece

  The offspring of the wealthiest citizens of the towns of Cisalpine Gaul, a region whose prosperity and political importance increased dramatically after the civil wars of the BC 80s , these young men followed a similar career trajectory, which brought them, via a period of service in the retinue of a provincial administrator, to the metropolis. 108 Andrew Feldherr 9 An even richer treatment of the same themes can be found in the parallel dedication that opens the second of Catullus’ explicitly if more ambiguously derivative long elegies, poem 10 This is not to argue that the particular relations between the upper-class Catullus and the non-regal Hortalus approximated in any way the kind of debt Callimachus owed toBerenice.

WORKS CITED Adams, J. N. 1982. The Latin Sexual Vocabulary. Baltimore and London

  Romulus ’ Asylum: Roman Identities from the Age of Alexander to the Age of Hadrian. ‘‘Symposium and Genre in the Poetry of Horace.’’ Journal of Roman Studies 75: 39–50.

Elizabeth Manwell

  This example is instructive, however, because it brings to light issues that scholars have attempted to address as they examine the nature of male genderidentity in ancient Rome and the societal structures that codified it, such as markers of masculinity, the importance of competition in male public life, the value of uirtus(virtue, manliness), and the public nature of gender performance. This chapter will consider two studies found in this large body of scholarship, both of which examinethese issues in Catullus, specifically, a Foucauldian reading of Catullus by Marilyn 112 Elizabeth Manwellfashions a masculine subjectivity for himself, and how his notions of masculinity conform to or challenge our ideas of what it meant to be a Roman male in the first BC century .

Studying Masculinity, or Why Should We Care about Men?

  Since the 1980s, the study of masculinity and male subjectivity has grown to be a large and healthy topic of scholarly interest: ifmale and female are genders that are performed, they must both be interrogated in order to come to a sophisticated and complex understanding of gender relations andthe place of gender within culture, both being ‘‘historically constructed, mutable, and contingent’’ (Adams and Savran 2002: 2). As with feminism, there is no singledefinable approach or topic for the study of masculinity; the lack of an orthodoxy may Gender and Masculinity 113postmodernism was at its apex, but the favorable result is the abundance of approaches to male identity and culture as they reveal themselves in the socialsciences, hard sciences, arts, and humanities.

Studying Roman Masculinity or Why Should We Care about Dead White Men?

  That is, it is not sufficient to expose the feminine voice of the poet; Catullus’ poetry shows a distinct and original conceptu-alization of male subjectivity, which is in dialogue with but distinct from normative and softness, and the way that allegations of the latter were employed to defame and degrade. Evensoftness is multivalent, and the poet’s claim of effeminacy here cannot be evaluated without considering his artistry: the impact and effect of the Sapphic meter; itsresonances with the other Sapphic poem, 51; its invective content; and the absurdity of the juxtaposition of this meter and its subject.


  The delicacy of the language, and the fact that Catullus writes himself as the second coming of Sappho, in thrall to the vision of a woman, has made this poem fodder forthose who interrogate Catullus’ feminine side, but seems an odd choice for one who desires to examine Catullus’ instantiation of manhood as prioritizing the ‘‘performa- 12 tive over the ethical’’ (2001: 67, 92–3). Given the emphasis on Catullus’ femininity, his introspection or hisadoption of a soft persona for hard goals (as with Skinner, above), it is requisite that some attention be paid to what is a critical aspect of the performance ofmasculinity – the hard surface and the hard center, even if, as Wray suggests, it is all a performance – and merely a piece of the performance at that.

Rewriting Masculinity

  For all this, the elusiveness of the poet may be what is most appealing about Catullus, and attempts to say something meaningful about his conception of the male subject aregreatly restricted by the sliver of poetry he has bequeathed to us. 1 Though it is a term of widespread use in philosophical, critical, and psychoanalytic contexts, I use the term ‘‘Other’’ much as does Luce Irigaray, who argued that signification andidentity are based in the masculine, whereas the feminine is other in relation to male sameness, and does not signify on its own (1985).

WORKS CITED Adams, R., and D. Savran, eds. 2002. The Masculinity Studies Reader. Malden, MA

  The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster. ‘‘Catullan Consciousness, the ‘Care of the Self,’ and the Force of the Negative in History.’’ In D.

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