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1. Objectivity and information:

  Defences of history ironically served to undermine the discipline further by drawing public attention to the criticisms of postmodernists and respondingto the specifi c criticisms, as if somehow the entire critical stance could be undermined by a tit- for- tat discussion in which the initiative lay wholly with thecritics. But most of all, a failure to defi ne the limits ofcertainty, and to explore the extremes of what may be considered ‘certain’, equates to a failure to determine the limits of one’s own confi dence, which in turn doesnothing to inspire confi dence in a reader.


  More sympathetic (but still on the impersonal side of the spectrum) is the historian writing an overview of a large number of people over acertain period of time: a text which involves individuals and explains the movements of the society in which they live but which does not directly seekto sympathize with any one of them (for example, Th e New Oxford History of England). It might appear that he was gullible to believe the man was alive but only if he OBJECTIVITY AND INFORMATION: A METHODOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION 17a pyramid, and insisting that what he sees before him is only a triangle, and that there is no other way of describing the shape, because he refuses to shift from whathe believes is the only point from which he may appreciate the ‘objective truth’ of the object he sees.


  In the words of the authors of Telling the Truth about History, history is never independent of the potsherds and written edicts that remain from past reality, for their very existence demands explanation. It is only when we have reduced our knowledge of the past to this level, and reduced our subjective input to the level of reading and translating the relics(documents), that we may start to rebuild our concept of history by evaluating their veracity.


  Even though we might be certain that a medieval inquisition post mortem was issuedon a specifi c date, and its enrolment means that we have a contemporary copy of the text, it still does not follow for certain that the named subject was dead(as the case of Th omas of Woodstock reveals, discussed in Chapter 10). Hence the ‘constraints’ posed by the ‘potsherds andwritten edicts’ described by the authors of Telling the Truth about History do not necessarily lead us to historical certainty, for the archival certainties representedby the ‘edicts’ allow us to conclude only that they were issued, not that they were issued in good faith.


  In assessing the veracity of archival certainties, it is essential to understand that it is not ‘the evidence’ that we need to verify – all evidence is ‘true’ in the sensethat it proceeds from the past – it is the veracity of the information contained within that evidence. Evidence is not normallythe start of a process of information dissemination; it is created at a later point in the life cycle of the information (to paraphrase the archival concept of ‘the lifecycle of the document’).


  As for the fourth, (d), several information streams can beidentifi ed that correlate with his being killed: for example, those originating in news delivered from Pontefract in February 1400, and the public exhibition ofthe corpse in London and Westminster, and perhaps the evidence of Hotspur and his father in the Percy Manifesto, given their closeness to Henry IV at thetime. Th e very concept that ‘facts’ may be deduced from the evidence with any degree of certainty prevents the historian approaching that evidence with anopen mind – which was one of Elton’s prerequisites for the historian successfully performing the operation of reconstructing what happened in the past.


  34 MEDIEVAL INTRIGUElies in the absence of evidence for the substantial gift s and appointments whichHenry could normally have expected to receive, if he was on good terms with the king. Th e only possible error lies in the idea that the record of a grant has been cut from the rolls prior to the texts beingstitched and numbered, or omitted in the compilation of the roll.


  Finally we have come to this new suggested paradigm, in which the ‘facts’ themselves are seen as two- dimensional and artifi cial; and in instances of doubtthey need to be set aside in favour of information streams that take account of the genesis, genealogy and integrity of the information underlying the evidence. 51 White argues in Figural Realism, 71, that ‘any attempt to provide an objective account of the event, either by breaking it up into a mass of its details, or by settingit within its context, must conjure with two circumstances: one is that the number of details identifi able in any singular event is potentially infi nite; and the otheris that the context of any singular event is infi nitely extensive or at least is not objectively determinable’.

2. Sermons of sodomy:

  Th erefore the following suggestions are made not with a view to their undermining Ormrod’s conclusions and stamping another set of views on hisbut for the purpose of identifying a possible alternative origin for the accusation of sodomy, which would permit diff erent conclusions to be reached about theorigins and circulation of the story that Edward was a sodomite. In his words: If the disturbing eroticism of the murder story is acknowledged, and if the narrative is taken in itself as the principal articulation of a contemporary discourse about Edward II’ssexuality, then it is no longer necessary or valid to hide behind the suggestion that the general charge of sodomy made against Edward II at and aft er his deposition did not3 include or imply his participation in male- male penetrative sex.

15 York in or not long aft er 1333. Th e same may be said for the copyists of several

  All this together suggests a propaganda origin for the accusation, based on de Nogaret’s charges against Pope Boniface VIII and the Templars, repeated byOrleton and then adapted by the informant of the continuator of the longer Brut, perhaps to accentuate the duplicity of Isabella and to accentuate the victimizationand suff ering of Edward II. Obviously the link between the accusation and the method of murder remains a loose one, but one thing is certain: the sexualnature of the popular story of the death cannot be assumed to be independent corroboration of the supposed sodomitical reputation of Edward II.


  annals(fo. 63r) form 55( continued) 56Chronicle Approx date of Date of death of Date of burial of Cause of death Murderers? annals form1332x1337, notes 22 (x Kal. Oct.) Not stated Suff ocation Maltravers and Murimuth, 52–4draft ed at the time Gurney Aft er 1333 21 (St Matt.) Not stated Red- hot copper rod Maltravers andBrut, i, 248–9, 253; MEDIEand other longer Brut (translated late Gurney continuations, e.g.


  Not stated Not stated ‘died’ n/a ( MEDIE V AL INTRIGUE 58Chronicle Approx date of composition Date of death of Edward IIDate of burial of Edward II Cause of death Murderers? Th e Brut in its French form was a lay chronicle, not exclusivelycopied by monks but much more frequently copied by and for laymen and secular clerks, and thus one cannot presume that the task was delegated to junior membersof a community.

18 Northern Registers, 355. Th is is wrongly dated to 1328 by the editor: correctly, 1327

  1* Th e death of Edward II in Berkeley Castle When in the 1870s a French archivist found the text of the Fieschi Letter, which purports to account for the movements of Edward II between 1326 and about 1 1335, he started a contentious – but extraordinarily slow- moving – debate. Th e form of murder in the Brut – a piece of metal inserted through the rectum – was closely based on the form of murder 66 MEDIEVAL INTRIGUEpronouncements: that the ex- king had died of natural causes (September 1327), and that he had been murdered (November 1330).


  Th e Berkeley family historian, John Smyth of Nibley, adds that Gurney returned from Lincoln 29 with orders from Mortimer to keep the news secret locally until All Saints. Th e accounts rendered by the clerk of the king’s offi cial keepers, Berkeley andMaltravers, agree that Edward died on 21 September.

30 Th oky of St Peter’s, Gloucester

  Th is point requires amplifi cation, for it suggests not only a means whereby the state of the body could have been concealed but also the means by which 68 MEDIEVAL INTRIGUEIn turning to the date at which the face was covered, the embalming process would have been expected to be performed very soon aft er the death, if onlyto stop the corruption of the body: Edward III is said to have been embalmed 46 ‘immediately’ aft er his death in 1377. Since the public announcement of the death of Edward II was not made until 24 Septemberat the very earliest, and since it would normally have taken at least three days for 48 a magnate, knight or prelate to cover the 110 miles from Lincoln to Berkeley, it is very unlikely indeed that any independent high- status witness saw the bodywithin six days of the death, by which time the woman who embalmed the corpse would have started – and probably had completed – her work.

56 Bradley. Th erefore what Lord Berkeley was saying was untrue, and Edward III

knew it was untrue, for the letters which he and his mother had received about the death had come from Lord Berkeley himself, via Th omas Gurney. Th at 72 MEDIEVAL INTRIGUEthat his father had been murdered (an accusation probably fi rst made by Henry of

57 Lancaster in late 1328). If Berkeley had lied in September 1327 about the cause

  Th e third interpretation represents Berkeley’s attempt to stand by the truth of his September 1327 message and claim that Edward IIhad died of natural causes, only for Edward III to state that the message had been wrong with regard to the cause of death, and then to take no action againstBerkeley for lying to him, instead protecting him from the implications of that lie. Whether Edward II was dead or not, Mortimer and Isabella certainly wanted the country to believehe was buried in Gloucester, and thus they encouraged men like the prior of Canterbury and the abbot of Crokesden to hold the anniversary of the death.


  If the charge of involvement in the plot to trap the earl of Kent was enough to securea traitor’s death for Maltravers, it should have been ample excuse to eliminateMortimer, when combined with the other twelve crimes of which he stood accused in November 1330 (besides the murder of Edward II). If the announcement of the death in 1327 was false, and Edward II was still alive in 1330, Edward III and Montagu may have realized that they could reduceor even eliminate the advantage to Mortimer of his secret custody of Edward II by declaring that the man had been murdered on Mortimer’s orders.


  Th e evidence that it was Edward II buried in Gloucester depends directly or indirectly on the fl ow of news about the death from the court from24 September 1327, and this information depends on the letters sent by Lord Berkeley to the king and Isabella, which arrived on the night of the 23rd. Aft er the death of the earl of Warwick in 1315, he was in charge of the town of Warwick,the future inheritance of Th omas Beauchamp, whose right of marriage was 100 purchased by Roger Mortimer, a kinsman of the Beauchamps.


  However, it is far more likely that it was commissioned by the royal family (despite the absence of an extant recordof payment for the work) as the Crown not only paid for Edward II’s funeral and burial but also habitually paid for the tombs of members of the royalfamily, whether at Westminster or elsewhere. Th e same heart- removal applied to other members of the royal family too: Eleanor of Castile’s heart was given to the Dominicans, Richardof Cornwall’s heart was given to the Franciscans and that of his son, Henry ofAlmain (who died in Italy) remained in its silver vase on an altar at WestminsterAbbey for many years.


  To sum up: there are substantial grounds for believing that the initial letter announcing the ex- king’s death from natural causes and the subsequent 97traditionalist historians through a close examination of the developing political situation at the start of Edward III’s reign and an understanding of that king’s 150 very considerable abilities in manipulating public opinion. In stating this the author is not unaware of the professional taboos connected withthe historical revision of the death of a medieval English king, but on a thorough examination of the evidence it seems considerably more likely that Edward II wasstill alive in March 1330, that Kent’s plot was a genuine one to rescue and restore him, and that Lord Berkeley was telling the truth when he said in November ofthat year that he had not heard of his death.


  45 If Edward II was being kept alive for a political purpose, the gravity of the matter would not necessarily require the surrogate to have died of natural causes. It isperhaps worth remarking on this point that the Fieschi Letter states that the body buried as that of Edward II was a porter killed by Edward and his custodian duringtheir departure from Berkeley Castle.


  Th e court left Lincoln on 29 September, according to the TS itinerary in the TNA Map Room. Nor is there any context to support Fryde’sinterpretation of the word ‘superfi cialiter’ as ‘from a distance’.


  Th e details about the letter, and Kent being unable to deny it was his, with his seal attached, and his belief in his half- brother’s survival, are supported byEdward III’s letter to the pope explaining his actions against Kent, dated 24 March. Th ere are errors in the Brut account: John Deveril was not the constable of Corfe in 1330, John Maltravers was.


  Th e invasion from the north would have been headed by Kent’s adherent, the earl of Mar. 99 CFR 1319–37, 169.100 Greatest Traitor, 94; CP, x, 342.101 CPR 1324–7, 202.102 Pecche was appointed keeper of the king’s parks of Freemantel and Crokham on 27 December 1326.


  His reluctance to kill his uncle is demonstrated by his reversal of the sentence and restoration of the earl’s heir’s estates. See Wilson, ‘Excellent, new and uniforme’, 98–9; Harvey, English Cathedrals, 88–9.132 Th e Gloucester tomb canopy is very similar to (although somewhat more elaborate than) the engravings of that of John of Eltham (d.


  Walter of Frocester remarks on other royal gift s aft er 1343.136 ‘Aft erlife’, 74.137 Agnes Ramsey was paid £96 18s 11d in connection with the construction of the tomb ‘as a result of an agreement made with the queen’s council made duringher life’. See Greatest Traitor, 82.152 Th e one chronological slip is that of stating that Edward was at Corfe for only one and a half years, whereas if he left Berkeley before the funeral at Gloucester, asimplied by the Fieschi Letter, more than two years and three months must have elapsed before the execution of the earl of Kent.

4. Twelve angry scholars: reactions to

  Th e records of the parliamentary trial and judgement of the earl of Kent inMarch 1330, overseen by Robert Howel, coroner of the king’s household, for the crime of being ‘about to have delivered the person of that worshipfulknight Sir Edward, sometime king of England, your brother, and to help him that he should have been king again and govern his people as he was wont[to do] before’. As the ‘default position’ is a lack of any reliable information about the king’s death, one would have thought that these fourinformation streams would have put the matter of the survival beyond doubt And yet this is where the historiography becomes interesting – for about a dozen scholars have tried to maintain that the traditional account of the deathis completely reliable, whether in publications or in a series of anonymous peer reviews.


  Much the same could be said of the second medievalist to comment on the book, in Th e Spectator, who stated that the author is already well known for his advocacy of the theory that Edward II was not murdered at Berkeley Castle in 1327 but lived on as a wandering hermit a dozen yearsor more into his son’s reign. 5 Th e Literary Review and Th e Spectator were not the only periodicals to carry reviews of Th e Perfect King which paid no attention to the article on which much of its most contentious narrative elements were based.

8 England X. But personalizing these issues is less interesting than understanding

  Th ese are (1) the cultural value of certain heritage stories – that Alfred burnt the cakes, that King Harold was struck byan arrow in the eye, that the fi rst heavier- than- air fl ight was performed by theWright brothers, that Edward II died with a red- poker up his colon – and the social importance of maintaining them; and (2) the role of the professionalas the debunker of myths. TWELVE ANGRY SCHOLARS 129 26 the outward display of the regalia with the effi gy?’ Hamilton neglects the fact that the evidence for the royal regalia being ‘buried’ with the king is in the royalaccount of it being sent from London for the purpose, and my argument states that those in London who provided all this material for the funeral did so ingood faith, believing they were satisfying the requirements for a genuine royal 27 funeral.

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